A Chance To Hold Israel – and the US – to Account for Genocide
by Medea Benjamin and Nicolas J. S. Davies
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On January 11th, the International Court of Justice
(ICJ) in The Hague is holding its first hearing in South Africa’s case against Israel under the
Genocide Convention. The first provisional measure South Africa has asked of
the court is to order an immediate end to this carnage, which has already
killed more than 23,000 people, most of them women and children. Israel is
trying to bomb Gaza into oblivion and scatter the terrorized survivors
across the Earth, meeting the Convention’s definition of genocide to the
letter.
Since countries engaged in genocide do not publicly
declare their real goal, the greatest legal hurdle for any genocide prosecution
is to prove the intention of genocide. But in the extraordinary case of Israel,
whose cult of biblically ordained entitlement is backed to the hilt by
unconditional U.S. complicity, its leaders have been uniquely brazen about
their goal of destroying Gaza as a haven of Palestinian life, culture and
resistance.
South Africa’s 84-page application to the ICJ includes ten pages (starting on page
59) of statements by Israeli civilian and military officials that document
their genocidal intentions in Gaza. They include statements by Prime Minister
Netanyahu, President Herzog, Defense Minister Gallant, five other cabinet
ministers, senior military officers and members of parliament. Reading these
statements, it is hard to see how a fair and impartial court could fail to
recognize the genocidal intent behind the death and devastation Israeli forces
and American weapons are wreaking in Gaza.
The Israeli magazine +972 talked to seven current and
former Israeli intelligence officials involved in previous assaults on Gaza.
They explained the systematic nature of Israel’s targeting practices and how
the range of civilian infrastructure that Israel is targeting has been vastly
expanded in the current onslaught. In particular, it has expanded the bombing
of civilian infrastructure, or what it euphemistically defines as “power
targets,” which have comprised half of its targets from the outset of this war.
Israel’s “power targets” in Gaza include public
buildings like hospitals, schools, banks, government offices, and high-rise
apartment blocks. The public pretext for destroying Gaza’s civilian
infrastructure is that civilians will blame Hamas for its destruction, and that
this will undermine its civilian base of support. This kind of brutal logic has
been proved wrong in U.S.-backed conflicts all over the world. In Gaza, it is
no more than a grotesque fantasy. The Palestinians understand perfectly well who
is bombing them – and who is supplying the bombs.
Intelligence officials told +972 that
Israel maintains extensive occupancy figures for every building in Gaza, and
has precise estimates of how many civilians will be killed in each building it
bombs. While Israeli and U.S. officials publicly disparage Palestinian casualty
figures, intelligence sources told +972 that the Palestinian
death counts are remarkably consistent with Israel’s own estimates of how many
civilians it is killing. To make matters worse, Israel has started using
artificial intelligence to generate targets with minimal human scrutiny, and is
doing so faster than its forces can bomb them.
Israeli officials claim that each of the high-rise
apartment buildings it bombs contains some kind of Hamas presence, but an
intelligence official explained, “Hamas is everywhere in Gaza; there is no
building that does not have something of Hamas in it, so if you want to find a
way to turn a high-rise into a target, you will be able to do so.” As Yuval
Abraham of +972 summarized, “The sources understood, some
explicitly and some implicitly, that damage to civilians is the real purpose of
these attacks.”
Two days after South Africa submitted its Genocide
Convention application to the ICJ, Israeli Finance Minister Smotrich declared on New Year’s Eve that Israel should
substantially empty the Gaza Strip of Palestinians and bring in Israeli
settlers. “If we act in a strategically correct way and encourage
emigration,” Smotrich said, “if there are 100,000 or 200,000 Arabs in Gaza, and
not two million, the whole discourse on “the day after” will be completely
different.”
When reporters confronted U.S.
State Department spokesman Matt Miller about Smotrich’s statement, and similar
ones by National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, Miller replied that Prime
Minister Netanyahu and other Israeli officials have reassured the United States
that those statements don’t reflect Israeli government policy.
But Smotrich and Ben-Gvir’s
statements followed a meeting of Likud Party leaders on Christmas Day where
Netanyahu himself said that his
plan was to continue the massacre until the people of Gaza have no
choice but to leave or to die. “Regarding voluntary emigration, I have no
problem with that,” he told former Israeli UN Ambassador Danny Danon. “Our
problem is not allowing the exit, but a lack of countries that are ready to
take Palestinians in. And we are working on it. This is the direction we are
going in.”
We should have learned from
America’s lost wars that mass murder and ethnic cleansing rarely lead to
political victory or success. More often they only feed deep resentment and
desires for justice or revenge that make peace more elusive and conflict endemic.
Although most of the martyrs
in Gaza are women and children, Israel and the United States politically
justify the massacre as a campaign to destroy Hamas by killing its senior
leaders. Andrew Cockburn described in
his book Kill Chain: the Rise of the High-Tech Assassins how,
in 200 cases studied by U.S. military intelligence, the U.S. campaign to
assassinate Iraqi resistance leaders in 2007 led in every single case to
increased attacks on U.S. occupation forces. Every resistance leader they
killed was replaced within 48 hours, invariably by new, more aggressive leaders
determined to prove themselves by killing even more U.S. troops.
But that is just another
unlearned lesson, as Israel and the United States kill Islamic Resistance
leaders in Gaza, the West Bank, Lebanon, Iraq, Yemen and Iran, risking a
regional war and leaving themselves more isolated than ever.
If the ICJ issues a
provisional order for a ceasefire in Gaza, humanity must seize the moment to
insist that Israel and the United States must finally end this genocide and
accept that the rule of international law applies to all nations, including
themselves.
Medea Benjamin and Nicolas J.
S. Davies are the authors of War in Ukraine: Making
Sense of a Senseless Conflict, published by OR Books in November
2022.
Medea Benjamin is the
cofounder of CODEPINK
for Peace, and the author of several books, including Inside
Iran: The Real History and Politics of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Nicolas J. S. Davies is an
independent journalist, a researcher for CODEPINK and the author of Blood
on Our Hands: The American Invasion and Destruction of Iraq.
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