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domingo, 12 de julio de 2026

FIFA is not an independent sporting organisation; it is a political tool.

Football fans around the world are only now finding out what Palestinians have long known.

By Xavier Abu Eid

A political scientist.

Published On 11 Jul 2026

https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2026/7/11/fifa-is-not-an-independent-sporting-organisation-it-is-a-political-tool

This World Cup has increasingly put FIFA and its leadership under scrutiny. Its decision to overturn the suspension of an American football player after US President Donald Trump’s intervention has roiled fans around the world. Meanwhile, there have been accusations of referees favouring Argentina in their decisions during games against Egypt and Cape Verde.

In Palestine, we have seen and experienced FIFA’s corrupt nature for years. Despite its statute explicitly requiring the organisation to respect human rights, it has systematically failed to do that when it has come to Palestinian football.

It has repeatedly refused demands from the Palestinian Football Association (PFA) to suspend the Israeli Football Association (IFA) for allowing its league games to be played on occupied and stolen Palestinian land by teams that reside in illegal settlements.

It has not condemned the mass killing and maiming of Palestinian football players or demanded the release of detained football players – most recently Rand Halawani and Natalie Abu Dayyeh, members of the Palestinian women’s football team. It has not protested against the destruction of Palestinian football stadiums. It has done nothing to force Israel to abandon the various policies that restrict and undermine Palestinian football, including denying Palestinian teams travel permits.

FIFA has not just tolerated and normalised racism, apartheid and occupation, but it has also taken part in efforts to congratulate the participation of Israeli footballers in war crimes in Gaza or Lebanon.

Despite the repeated rulings by the International Court of Justice and various UN resolutions, FIFA continues to claim that Palestinian demands are  “a highly complex matter under public international law” and that “the final legal status of the West Bank remains unresolved”. This is nothing short of endorsing Israeli talking points, embraced by the Trump administration to shield its ally Israel and legitimise the theft of Palestinian land.

Just as Israel has made use of tourism, archaeology, religion, agriculture and others to normalise its illegal annexation, it has also done so through football – with FIFA’s support.

FIFA’s contribution to Israeli crimes has expanded under the presidency of Gianni Infantino. Human rights organisations have rightly referred Infantino’s actions to the International Criminal Court, accusing him of acting “in full knowledge that these practices constitute the commission of human rights violations, apartheid and war crimes” and ignoring multiple reports and letters on the subject.

The FIFA leadership has not only been silent and passive about Israel’s crimes and IFA’s involvement, it has also actively participated in their whitewashing. Last month, FIFA suggested that Palestine should play Israel as the opening match in a U-15 tournament to “promote peace”. Weeks earlier, Infantino personally tried to force the head of the PFA to shake hands with his Israeli counterpart.

FIFA is clearly no longer a neutral international sporting federation, which per its statute should avoid any political interference. It has been turned into a political tool that supports the foreign policy of the US and its allies.

Infantino himself is a great illustration of this reality. In 2018, for no apparent reason, he attended the official signing of the Abraham Accords in Washington – an agreement that in effect sought to remove the Palestinian question from the collective Arab agenda. In 2021, he participated in a conference of the right-wing Israeli newspaper, the Jerusalem Post, held in a venue built on the desecrated Muslim cemetery of Mamillah in Jerusalem.

In February, Infantino attended the inauguration of the controversial “Board of Peace”, which seeks to end the UN’s involvement in the Palestinian question and stop any international legal effort to end the Israeli occupation and genocide. He even announced a “strategic partnership to drive recovery and peace through football” with the board.

The ongoing controversies over the organisation of the World Cup should be understood in this context. FIFA has clearly lost control over its independent decision-making as an international sporting organisation and has abdicated from its responsibility to keep politics out of football.

When asked about the various violations the US has committed as a host against footballers, referees and fans, Infantino told the public that they should “chill, relax”.

All of this is incredibly damaging to public trust in international organisations like FIFA. It is also harmful for international football and to its reputation as a sport inclusive of all. If Infantino does not radically change his path, the legacy he will leave behind is one of destruction.

As for Palestinian football, it will persevere. The sport has existed since the creation of St George’s School team in Jerusalem in 1904. Since then, football has been part of every moment of Palestinian life. And like all things Palestinian, it has the strength to survive an occupation, a genocide and a corrupt FIFA.

sábado, 11 de julio de 2026

Israel pressuring Washington for 'green light' to attack Iran, claims Tehran plotting Trump assassination: Report

Israeli media claims Tel Aviv was ‘uninvolved’ in hundreds of US strikes on Iran over the past week

News Desk

JUL 10, 2026

https://thecradle.co/articles/israel-pressuring-washington-for-green-light-to-attack-iran-claims-tehran-plotting-trump-assassination-report

Tel Aviv is pressing Washington for a “green light” to resume strikes against the Islamic Republic, Israel’s Broadcasting Corporation (KAN) reported on 9 July, amid reports that say Israel has discovered an "Iranian plot” to kill Donald Trump.

KAN reports that Israeli officials estimate Iran and the US will continue exchanging strikes in the coming days. The current escalation is “limited to the US and Iran only, without any Israeli involvement,” the report added. 

As a result, Israel is “seeking approval” to join in, according to KAN and other media outlets. 

The Israeli broadcaster said the US is trying to maintain a “controlled” level of escalation with Iran that does not erupt into a full-scale war, and is avoiding strikes on Tehran’s energy infrastructure for now.

The KAN report states Tel Aviv is prepared to join any upcoming US strikes on Iran.

“We’re willing to do it again, if needed … should Washington seek help,” an Israeli source was cited as saying by the New York Post.

“We’ve proven that we stand with the US. I’m not sure it will be the interest of them — of the US that Israel will join on this — but, we realize that we need to stretch our muscles,” the source added. 

On Thursday, the Wall Street Journal (WSJ) claimed Tel Aviv gave Washington intelligence on a “fresh Iranian plan” to assassinate Trump.

“Israel shared new intelligence with the US that it said indicated a fresh Iranian plan to kill President Trump,” WSJ claimed, citing “people familiar with the matter.”

The Israeli Embassy in Washington refused to comment on the report. 

Iran’s UN Mission did not respond to a request for comment, while the White House referred WSJ to what Trump claimed at the NATO summit in Ankara this week. 

“They want to take out the US leader—me. I’m on every list. I saw this morning, I’m on every single one of their lists. And so far, I guess I’ve been a little bit lucky, but that maybe doesn’t last very long,” the US president told reporters on Wednesday. 

Millions of Iranians demanded vengeance during the week-long funeral procession for the martyred supreme leader Ali Khamenei. 

Citizens carried banners reading “Kill Trump” and “Kill Netanyahu.” 

Iran launched a large-scale wave of retaliatory operations targeting US assets in the region on 9 July, including in Qatar, Kuwait, Jordan, and Bahrain.

The operations were a response to hundreds of US strikes against Iran earlier on Thursday. 

The escalation came a day after Trump declared that the so-called ceasefire was “over.” Since then, the White House has claimed it remains “committed” to the Islamabad agreement.

viernes, 10 de julio de 2026

Israeli prime minister says Iran war ‘has not ended’

Israeli army chief also says military campaign against Iran ‘not over’

Said Amori and Rania Abushamala

09 July 2026

https://www.aa.com.tr/en/middle-east/israeli-prime-minister-says-iran-war-has-not-ended-/3993540

JERUSALEM/ ISTANBUL

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Thursday that Iran war “has not ended,” amid military escalation between Tehran and Washington in recent days.

"The war has not ended. There are new challenges," Netanyahu said at an air force graduation ceremony at Hatzerim Air Base in southern Israel, as cited by the daily Yedioth Ahronoth.

"Maintaining air superiority is a fundamental pillar of Israel's national security doctrine. It is key to preserving stability in the turbulent Middle East."

Iran and the US exchanged attacks over the past two days amid escalation following Iranian attacks on three commercial vessels in the Strait of Hormuz.

Israel and the US launched joint attacks against Iran in February, killing more than 3,000 people, including Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Tehran retaliated with drone and missile strikes against Israel and Gulf countries hosting US assets.

Army Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir also said the military campaign against Iran is “not over.”

“On the drawing board are new plans. Major operations are still expected to lie ahead of us. Be prepared,” he said in brief remarks.

Iran and the US reached a Pakistan-brokered memorandum of understanding on June 17 aimed at ending their military conflict and paving the way for a lasting peace agreement.

However, on Wednesday, US President Donald Trump declared that the memorandum was “over,” effectively ending the agreement and triggering a new round of military confrontation.

jueves, 9 de julio de 2026

How the US-Iran Fight in the Strait of Hormuz Can Be Resolved Before It Blows Up the MoU

Sacrificing the entire MOU over the question of who nominally manages the Strait for the next few weeks would be a costly and unnecessary mistake.

by Trita Parsi | Jul 9, 2026 

https://original.antiwar.com/trita-parsi/2026/07/08/how-the-us-iran-fight-in-the-strait-of-hormuz-can-be-resolved-before-it-blows-up-the-mou/

For the second time since the U.S.-Iran Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) was signed, Washington and Tehran have slipped back into direct military confrontation. The United States struck “80 targets in Iran with precision munitions” after Iranian forces fired on several ships transiting the Strait of Hormuz without prior coordination with Tehran. The scale of the American strikes reportedly far exceeded the previous U.S.-Iran exchange, suggesting that Washington sought not merely to retaliate but to reestablish deterrence. The United States also reimposed sanctions on Iranian oil sales, reversing one of the central concessions of the MOU. The IRGC, in turn, claimed to have attacked 85 U.S. military sites across the region, including the Fifth Fleet headquarters in Bahrain and Ali Al-Salem Air Base in Kuwait, and said eight were destroyed.

At the heart of the dispute are two competing interpretations of the MOU. Tehran’s reading is that while the Strait of Hormuz is to remain open, all commercial traffic during the 60-day interim period must be coordinated with Iran as the parties negotiate a permanent maritime arrangement. Washington, by contrast, interprets an “open” Strait to mean that vessels may transit either the Iranian or Omani shipping lanes without coordinating with Iran.

For Tehran, this is not a technical disagreement but a strategic one. Iranian officials fear the United States is using the MOU to erode Iran’s control over the Strait by rejecting any requirement for coordination and, in effect, establishing an alternative corridor that could remain open even if war resumes. Such an arrangement would deprive Iran of what many of its strategists regard as its single most important source of leverage in a future conflict: the credible ability to disrupt maritime traffic through Hormuz. From Tehran’s perspective, commercial shipping can resume without surrendering that leverage—but only if all vessel movements continue to be coordinated with Iran, thereby reinforcing its nominal authority over the waterway.

Washington counters that the text of the MOU does not explicitly require ships to obtain Iranian authorization before transiting the Strait. Instead, it assigns Iran responsibility for ensuring the safe passage of commercial vessels, a distinction the United States argues falls short of granting Tehran operational control over all maritime traffic. Paragraph 5 of the MOU states:

“Upon the signing of this MoU, the Islamic Republic of Iran will make arrangements using its best efforts for the safe passage of commercial vessels, with no charge for 60 days only, from the Persian Gulf to the Sea of Oman, and vice versa. The traffic of commercial vessels will immediately start, and considering the need for removing the technical and military obstacles, and de-mining by the Islamic Republic of Iran, will be instated within 30 days.”

Following the previous round of fighting, the two sides explored a compromise under which commercial vessels would coordinate their transit with both Iran and a designated Gulf Cooperation Council state. Under such an arrangement, ships would notify Tehran while also reporting to a GCC maritime authority, balancing Iran’s demand for oversight with Washington’s desire to avoid granting Tehran exclusive control. The talks, however, appear never to have been finalized before they were suspended for the funeral of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

During that pause, several commercial vessels – with their AIS transponders switched off – attempted to transit the southern shipping corridor without notifying Tehran. Iran viewed these voyages as a direct challenge to its interpretation of the MOU and responded with force.

Both sides are clearly testing each other’s red lines. If the dispute were solely about ensuring the safe passage of commercial shipping, vessels could simply transit through the Iranian shipping lane. Tehran has not prevented ships from using the northern corridor. Instead, the insistence on using the southern corridor without notifying Iran appears designed to challenge Tehran’s claim that it exercises authority over the Strait—a claim the United States and most Gulf states have long rejected. Beyond questions of transit tolls or administrative fees, no country in the region is eager to legitimize Iranian control over one of the world’s most strategically important waterways. The current confrontation is therefore less about navigation than about sovereignty and strategic leverage.

The compromise discussed before the talks were suspended offers a sensible way out. Requiring vessels to notify both Iran and a designated GCC maritime authority would defer the sovereignty dispute without prejudging its outcome, allowing commercial traffic to continue while negotiations over a permanent arrangement proceed. Sacrificing the entire MOU—and the far more consequential regional framework it could ultimately produce—over the question of who nominally manages the Strait for the next few weeks would be a costly and unnecessary mistake.

The question now is whether the dual-notification arrangement can still be revived after the exchange of fire over the past 12 hours, or whether this latest escalation has closed the diplomatic window altogether. The coming hours are likely to provide the answer.

One final observation: by responding with both military force and the reimposition of sanctions on Iranian oil exports, Washington appears intent on establishing escalation dominance – not merely deterring further Iranian action but demonstrating its willingness to raise the costs far more sharply than Tehran. The contrast with the first post-MOU confrontation in the Strait is striking. This time, the U.S. response has been substantially more severe, suggesting that Washington is seeking to redefine the deterrence equation before negotiations can resume.

There is, however, a danger in Washington’s decision to rescind the general license permitting the purchase of Iranian oil. The license was intended to serve as one of the MOU’s principal incentives for Tehran to remain committed to the agreement. But an incentive is only as valuable as its credibility.

Even before this latest escalation, Iran had struggled to attract new buyers. Many governments and companies were reluctant to enter long-term arrangements because they feared negotiations would collapse and the license would expire without renewal. That uncertainty alone diminished the commercial value of the concession.

From Washington’s perspective, Iran’s alleged violation of the MOU is serious and warrants a response. But if the United States is seen as issuing and withdrawing the license too readily, potential buyers may conclude that access to Iranian oil is too politically volatile to justify the risk. That would weaken one of Washington’s most important sources of leverage. The less valuable the license becomes in the marketplace, the less valuable it becomes at the negotiating table – and the less the United States can demand in return for restoring it.

miércoles, 8 de julio de 2026

Will Donald Trump become America's last Zionist president?

David Hearst

7 July 2026

Trump was the president who gave Israel all it needed, and more. But with a wave of Aipac-backed candidates defeated in Democratic primaries, support for Israel is now toxic

https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/will-donald-trump-be-america-last-zionist-president

Hell hath no fury like an Israel scorned. 

In the space of just a few weeks - the blink of an eye in the timeline of this Middle East conflict - US President Donald Trump has gone from being so popular in Israel he boasted he could be its next prime minister to a man so hated he could qualify for Israel’s next Amalek.

The pro-government commentariat was unsparing in their verdict. 

To give you just a taste of the bile aimed at Trump personally, Yinon Magal, host of a primetime show on Channel 14, called the US president "a loser" and branded his son-in law Jared Kushner and Steve Witkoff as "little Jews".

Yaakov Bardugo, an Israeli political commentator, said that Trump and his vice president, JD Vance, were becoming the modern Chamberlain, the British prime minister associated with appeasing Hitler in 1938.

Amit Segal, chief political analyst for Channel 12 and Israel Hayom - which is owned by billionaire Miriam Adelson - said Trump had completely surrendered by allowing Iran to enrich uranium.

Shimon Riklin, an anchor on Israel's right-wing Channel 14, posted on X that the US was weaker than ever and that no-one will want to be its ally.

These commentators are close to the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Some are considered his mouthpiece. And they have collectively executed a textbook hand-brake turn. 

They are turning on the president, who, in his first term, gave Israel the US recognition of the annexation of the Occupied Golan Heights and Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, something that a long line of his predecessors in the White House had avoided doing. 

This is the president who appointed David Friedman, an advocate for the settlers, as US ambassador to Israel. Friedman abandoned all pretence of being neutral in this conflict by opening a tunnel under the Palestinian neighbourhood of Silwan in Occupied East Jerusalem with a sledgehammer. 

As a presidential candidate, Trump accepted Adelson as the third-largest donor of his re-election campaign in 2024.

To communicate with the White House, Netanyahu did not even have to pick up the phone. He already had Kushner, among many others, whispering in the president’s ear.

Trump: From loyal to traitor

Trump stood fully with Israel’s genocide in Gaza and continues to do so to this day.

Kushner was the planner behind "the Board of Peace" and a surreal plan to turn Gaza into one of his many Mediterranean beach resorts.

There is little dispute that Trump’s decision to go to war with Iran was made after a briefing by Netanyahu and David Barnea, then Mossad director, in the White House situation room.

That the leader of a foreign country was even allowed into the situation room was considered a first.

Never before had a US president been so suggestible and never before had a prime minister of Israel been so close to the beating heart of a US administration.

This is the man they now brand a traitor.

The real question is how deep does this rift go? And how permanent? Trump was the president who gave Israel all it needed, and more, to fight its forever wars.

Is he destined to be the US’s last Zionist president?

A rift of this nature is not unique in the history of Zionism. There are many examples of Zionists turning against the superpower of the day on which they depend.

A historic pattern

When 250,000 Jewish refugees were stranded in displaced persons camps in Europe after the Second World War and Britain refused to lift the ban on immigration to admit 100,000 Jews to Palestine, the Jewish underground united.

Between 1945 and 1948, over 780 British soldiers, police officers, and civilians were killed in Palestine, many targeted by the Irgun and the Stern (Lehi) Gang

All this despite the fact that Britain, through the Balfour Declaration, called for a Jewish Homeland in 1917,  breaking its promise to Arab leaders to set up an Arab state.

The worst atrocity was the bombing of King David Hotel on 22 July, 1946, the British administrative headquarters in Jerusalem, killing 28 British subjects out of the 91 total fatalities. 

To this day, Israel refuses to honour their graves, although it does those who bombed the hotel.

In 2006, the Menachem Begin Heritage Center, named after the former leader of the Irgun terrorist gang who approved the bombing and later became prime minister, held an event to commemorate the attack.

Brigadier Peter Smith-Dorrien, the most senior official killed in the bombing, lies in an unmarked grave.

Nor did outstanding bravery in the Holocaust present any bar to Jewish terrorists.

The Lehi or Stern Gang also killed a Swedish diplomat, Count Folke Bernadotte, who had negotiated the release of over 4000 Jews from Nazi concentration camps during the final months of the war. 

After the war, he became the first official mediator of the United Nations in the conflict between the new Israeli state and the Palestinians. His original sin, in the eyes of the Stern Gang, was to have negotiated a truce and laid the ground for early relief efforts. 

This pattern repeats itself throughout Israel's history.

Former US President Barack Obama’s parting gift to Israel was a military package worth £38bn ($51bn) over ten years. It was the largest aid package in US history.

Avi Shlaim, the Israeli historian, wrote in The Guardian at the time: "Netanyahu invariably repaid Obama’s generosity with ingratitude and abuse. He never missed an opportunity to attack Obama; he intervened crudely in the 2012 presidential elections by backing the Republican candidate; he abused the privilege of an address to a special session of both houses of Congress to insult their president; and he conducted the most vociferous public campaign to sabotage the nuclear agreement with Iran.

"One is hard put to think of a more blatant example of biting the hand that feeds you. Netanyahu’s conduct marks him out as the special ally from hell."

Former US President Joe Biden, an instinctive liberal Zionist, got the same treatment. General Amos Gilead wrote that Netanyahu’s "unprecedented berating" of Biden was an extreme manifestation of ingratitude and a first-rate strategic failure. 

"The United States is Israel’s only true ally, and Joe Biden is the friendliest president to Israel in history. There is no strategic logic to lashing out at him and at Senate Democratic Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, and one can only suspect that petty domestic politics are coming in lieu of a strategy that is crucial to Israel’s security and future."

Zionism’s true face

For some commentators, what we are seeing is Zionism revealing its true supremacist face. And that even includes Moshe Ya’alon, a former defence minister under Netanyahu between 2013-2016.

In an Ynet interview, Ya'alon said that factions within the religious Zionist movement, which is closely aligned with Israeli settlers, hold a "Jewish supremacy ideology".

"What is Jewish supremacy? Eighty years after the Holocaust, it's Mein Kampf in reverse. The superior race is us," said Ya'alon

Jewish supremacism is now central to Israel’s mainstream political dialogue. Just listen to how Naftali Bennet, Netanyahu’s main challenger, talks about Iran and the Palestinians. Or for that matter just listen to how Israeli Jews talk about the Palestinians.

What is driving Israel’s feud with Trump could just boil down to the shock of the new. 

The shock consists of a US president telling Israel to stop waging war. It's the shock a settler colony experiences when it realises it has lost control of its parent. 

A similar shock was experienced by the Pieds Noirs in Algeria who helped bring Charles de Gaulle to power in 1958, only to see the French president pivot to self-determination and Algerian independence. 

Or take the rage of Northern Ireland’s Unionist community when the greatest Unionist of them all, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, signed the Anglo-Irish Agreement allowing Dublin to have a say in the peace process. 

Toxic tsunami 

Whatever is brewing inside Israel, it's having a truly toxic effect on public opinion on the other side of the Atlantic.

It is no exaggeration to say the genocide in Gaza, the failed war on Iran, and Israel’s refusal to withdraw from Syriasouthern Lebanon and Gaza have killed off a generation of support in the US.

In both Republican and Democratic parties, the majority of adults under the age of 50 rate Israel and Netanyahu negatively, Pew Research reveals. Today, 57 percent of Republicans between ages 18 to 49 have an unfavorable opinion of Israel, up from 50 percent last year. 

Overall 60 percent of US adults have an unfavorable view of Israel, up from 53 percent last year. Fifty nine percent have little or no confidence in Netanyahu to do the right thing regarding world affairs - up from 52 percent last year.

The direction of travel is clear.  

But there is less consensus about what this shift in public opinion means in political terms and when this could trigger a meaningful change of policy.

New York, home to the world’s largest Diaspora Jewish population, has just seen three incumbent Democrat congressmen unseated and five local seats taken by candidates backed by mayor Zohran Mamdani.

Soon afterwards, Melat Kiros, a lawyer and PhD student, mounted a stunning upset for establishment Democrats after she was declared the winner of the Democratic primary in Colorado's 1st congressional district, which includes the state capital, Denver. 

Kiros ousted Diana DeGetter, a politician who had spent three decades on Capitol Hill and had received over $1.6m from the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (Aipac).

Jewish Voice for Peace - Action said that the race proved Aipac was a "toxic brand" in the Democratic party, and that Democratic voters were tired of lawmakers who support or defend genocide.

This certainly was a defeat for Aipac. Three candidates critical of Israel’s genocidal war defeated opponents backed by Aipac.

But did the results represent a meaningful pro- Palestinian shift, or simply a Democrat re-incorporation of liberal Zionists, without the endorsement of Aipac?

Is the party preparing simply for a post-Netanyahu era, when support for Israel will become baked into the system once again?

One of the victors was Brad Lander who won the primary for New York’s 10th Congressional district.

Lander, who ran for mayor before endorsing Mamdani, previously opposed Boycott Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) and increased New York City’s pension fund investments in Elbit Systems, an Israeli arms manufacturer, during his time as city comptroller. He describes himself as a liberal Zionist.

"At a time when those in the Palestine solidarity movement who disrupted the operations of Elbit Systems face the harshest of state crackdowns, it's a sucker punch to see elements of the same movement celebrate Lander, given his own involvement with the arms manufacturer Elbit," Nazia Kazi, professor at Stockton University, told MEE.

After Kiros’s victory, Democratic Senator Bernie Sanders congratulated her on X. "The tide is turning," he wrote. "Americans are tired of status quo politics."

Mamdani himself said it was a victory for the working class, reinforcing findings from a poll last year that showed voters were primarily driven by domestic economic concerns, affordable housing, and the cost of living.

However in their speeches, the wining candidates presented domestic issues and demands to end the genocide in Gaza as one package. Their challenge to the status quo was on both fronts.

A long journey

For experts on relations between Israel and US like Daniel Levy, president of the US/Middle East Project (USMEP), America is only at the start of a long journey on recalibrating its support for Israel.

"It has yet to be seen whether enough of the movement on the Democrat side can be focused on accumulating power, even if they have to hold their noses to achieve a shift in policy and this happens more slowly than any of us would wish.

"Unprecedented opportunities lie ahead and I would love to see that change happen but it's not there yet. The countervailing pressure of an entrenched lobby and the capacity for our own side to make mistakes, as well as the absence of a Palestinian liberation movement driving this change, all means that it's not there yet."

And yet there has been a real change in US public opinion.

One of the most significant changes in the United States has been the shift which moved Palestine from the political margins into the mainstream. 

Once dismissed as a niche concern of the left - or reduced to questions of Islamism or terrorism - it has become an issue that cuts across the political spectrum.

Even sections of the American right have begun to view Israel as a liability rather than an asset. For some conservatives, Israel’s conduct - its mass killing of civilians, including children, and its open disregard for international law - has made it increasingly difficult to reconcile unconditional support for Israel with America’s self-image. 

Distancing themselves from Israel has, for some, become a way of attempting to redeem the American project. 

Yet, the mainstreaming of Palestine has also come with new boundaries. The terms of debate have expanded, but they remain tightly managed across both conservative and progressive circles.  

It has become increasingly acceptable to discuss the influence of Aipac because doing so allows Americans to frame the problem as one of undue influence by a powerful lobby. 

However, for now at least, the limits of this debate are clear: Palestinian resistance, self-determination, or the political aspirations that underpin the Palestinian struggle are issues that remain largely outside the boundaries of respectable debate. 

America could be on a path which goes in stages: an increase in sympathy with Palestinian suffering and increasing hostility to an Israel permanently at war.

This in turn leads to the ending of Israeli exceptionalism in US politics and finally a recognition of the full rights of Palestinians. It may take several election cycles to achieve this.

But for Netanyahu, or whoever comes after him, making Israel relevant to the right in America once again will not be a simple task. Stymied over Iran, but allowed to keep its territorial gains in Lebanon and Syria, Netanyahu’s reaction will be to restart the war to take over all of Gaza. 

He has to - if he wants to keep the extreme right in his cabinet and alongside his election campaign. But renewed slaughter in Gaza will increase the sense of revulsion in the US on both sides of the political spectrum. 

Framing the war as Israel’s "9/11" is a card that has been played. Even Republicans like Tucker Carlson are reviewing the War on Terror as a wrongheaded attempt to frame the whole of Islam as an existential enemy.

For the moment there is no way out. The lobby is not about to roll over and will stage a ferocious rearguard action in US politics. 

But the more supporting Israel becomes an act of force, and the less it is an article of faith, the bigger the trouble Zionism is in.