Leading Papers Call for Destroying Iran to Save It
February 10, 2026
https://fair.org/home/leading-papers-call-for-destroying-iran-to-save-it/
The United States has no right to wage war on Iran, or
to have a say who governs the country. The opinion pages of the New
York Times and Washington Post, however, are offering
facile humanitarian arguments for the US to escalate its attacks on Iran. These
are based on the nonsensical assumption that the US wants to help brighten
Iranians’ futures.
In two editorials addressing the possibility of the US
undertaking a bombing and shooting war on Iran, the Washington Post expressed
no opposition to such policies and endorsed economic warfare as well.
Crediting Trump with “the wisdom of distinguishing
between an authoritarian regime and the people who suffer under its rule,” the
first Post editorial (1/2/26) approvingly quoted Trump’s Truth Social promise
(1/2/26) to Iranian protesters that the US “will come to their rescue…. We are
locked and loaded and ready to go.”
For the Post, the problem was not that
Trump was threatening to bomb a sovereign state, but that “airstrikes are, at
best, a temporary solution”:
If the administration wants this time to be different,
it will need to oversee a patient, sustained campaign of maximum pressure
against the government…. The optimal strategy is to economically squeeze the
regime as hard as possible at this moment of maximum vulnerability. More
stringent enforcement of existing oil sanctions would go a long way…. Western
financial controls are actually working quite well.
Thus, the paper offers advice on how to integrate
bombing Iran into a broader effort to overthrow the country’s government in a
hybrid war. Central to that project are the sanctions with which the Post is
so thoroughly impressed. Such measures have “squeeze[d] the regime” by, for
example, decimating “the government’s primary source of revenue, oil exports,
limiting the state’s ability to provide for millions of impoverished Iranians
through social safety nets” (CNN, 10/19/25).
That the US continues to apply the sanctions, knowing
that they have these effects, demonstrates that it has no interest in, as
the Post put it, “free[ing]” Iranians “from bondage.”
‘Always more room for sanctions’
The second Washington Post editorial
(1/23/26) expressed disappointment that, despite “mass
killings” and the “most repressive crackdown in decades,” “Trump has ratcheted
back his earlier rhetoric.” It emphasized that “the regime is now mocking Trump
for backing down.” The paper offered advice for the president:
Airstrikes alone won’t bring down the regime—or make
it behave like a normal country. But Israel and the US have shown in recent
years that bombing can cause significant tactical setbacks. And there is always
more room for sanctions pressure….
The president cannot maintain effective deterrence by
turning the other cheek [in response to Iranians who have taunted him]. How he
responds is just as important as how quickly he does it.
The implication is that, to deter Iran’s government
from killing Iranians, the US needs to kill Iranians. After all, bombing
campaigns come with “mass killings” of their own: The US/Israeli aggression
against Iran last June killed more than 1,000 Iranians, most of them
civilians.
Meanwhile, those sanctions the paper wants to use to
deter the Iranian government from “harm[ing] its own people” do quite a bit
of damage in their own right, often causing “low-income
citizens’ food consumption” to “deteriorate due to sanctions”—a rather novel
approach to harm reduction.
Bombing other countries, depriving them of food—is
this what it means to “behave like a normal country”?
‘Too depraved’ for reform
Over its own pro–regime change piece, the New
York Times editorial board headline (1/14/26) declared: “Iran’s Murderous Regime Is Irredeemable.”
“The Khamenei regime is too depraved to be reformed,”
the editors wrote, spending the majority of the piece building its case to that
effect before turning to solutions. For the Times, these start
“with a unified expression of solidarity with the protesters,” and quickly move
to punitive measures against the Iranian government:
The world can also extend the sanctions it has imposed
on Iran. The Trump administration this week announced new tariffs on any
countries that do business with Iran, and other democracies should impose their
own economic penalties.
For the authors, “deprav[ity]” needs to be resisted by
Washington and its partners, who have demonstrated their moral superiority with
their presumably depravity-free sanctions. These have, as Germany’s DW (11/23/25) reported, “caused medical shortages that hit
[Iran’s] most vulnerable citizens hardest,” preventing the country from being
able “to purchase special medicines—like those required by cancer patients.”
The Times also supported US military
violence against Iran—if with somewhat more restraint than the Post,
asking Trump to “move much more judiciously than he typically does.” The Times wants
him to seek “approval from Congress before any military operation,” and make
“clear its limitations and goals.” The paper warned Trump not to attack
“without adequate preparation and resources”:
Above all, he should avoid the lack of strategic
discipline and illegal actions that have defined the Venezuela campaign. He
should ask which policies have the best chance of undermining the regime’s
violent repression and creating the conditions for a democratic transition.
One glaring problem with suggesting that a US
“military operation” should be based on “policies [that] have the best chance
of…creating the conditions for a democratic transition” is that very recent
precedents show that US wars don’t bring about democracy and are not intended
to do so; instead, such wars bring about social collapse.
Consider, for example, US interventions in Libya and Syria. In both cases, the US backed decidedly nondemocratic
forces (Jacobin, 9/2/13; Harper’s, 1/16) and, as one might expect, neither war resulted in
democracy. In Libya’s case, the outcome has been slavery and state collapse (In
These Times, 8/18/20). In Syria, the new, unelected government is
implicated in sectarian mass murder (FAIR.org, 6/2/25).
If DHS killed Pretti, why not bomb Iran?
There are no grounds for believing that the US would
chart a different course if it bombs Iran again. But that hasn’t stopped
other Times contributors from suggesting that the US should
conduct a war in Iran—for the good of Iranians, of course.
Times columnist Bret Stephens (1/27/26) worried about the “risk” posed by “the example of a
US president who urged protesters to go in the streets and said help was on the
way, only to betray them through inaction.”
Invoking the DHS’s killing of Minneapolis
resident Alex Pretti, Stephens urged “thoughtful Americans” to encourage
the same administration that killed him to exercise “the military option” in
Iran:
But if Pretti’s death is a tragedy, what do we say or
do in the face of the murder of thousands of Iranians? Are they, as Stalin
might have said, just another statistic?
Stephens is citing people’s outrage against the US
government killing a protester as a reason they should support the US
government inflicting more violence against Iran. The logical corollary to that
would be that if you’re opposed to Iran suppressing anti-government forces, you should therefore be in favor of Tehran launching
armed attacks to defend protesters in the US.
Masih Alinejad, a US-government-funded Iranian-American journalist, wrote in the Times (1/27/26) that Trump
encouraged Iranians to intensify their mass protests,
writing, “HELP IS ON ITS WAY.” That help never came, and many protesters now
feel betrayed. Still, the USS Abraham Lincoln aircraft carrier strike
group has recently arrived in the Middle East. Mr. Trump has not said what he
plans to do now that it is there, but it does give him the option of striking a
blow against government repression.
Policy of pain
Both Stephens and Alinejad present their calls for the
US to assault Iran in moral terms, suggesting that the US should demonstrate
loyalty to Iranian protestors by “help[ing]” them through an armed attack on
the country in which they live. Their premise is that the US is interested in
enabling the Iranian population to flourish, an assertion contradicted by more
than 70 years of Washington’s policy of inflicting pain on Iranians in an
effort to dominate them.
That US policy has included overthrowing Iran’s
democratically elected government in 1953 (NPR, 2/7/19), propping up the Shah’s brutal dictatorship for the
next 26 years (BBC, 6/3/16; AP, 2/6/19), sponsoring Saddam Hussein’s invasion of the country
and use of chemical weapons against it (Foreign Policy, 8/26/13), partnering with Israel in a years-long campaign of
murdering Iranian scientists (Responsible Statecraft, 12/21/20), and currently maintaining—along with its allies—a
sanctions regime that is associated with a substantial drop in Iranian life
expectancy (Al Jazeera, 1/13/26).
If Stephens or Alinejad had evidence that the US is so
radically re-orienting its conduct in the international arena, one imagines
that they would want to share with their readers the proof that the Trump
administration’s magnanimity is so profound that it overrides the UN Charter, and justifies America carrying out a war to “help” a
country it has terrorized for decades.