Emmanuel Macron – Rothschild’s Choice For
President Of France against Le Pen.
Inspiretochangeworld.com
Emmanuel Macron, the photogenic 39-years-old
financier with an amazing career became the leader of the presidential race in
France after Francois Fillon and Marine Le Pen faced a wave of
discredits. According to opinion polls, he will reach the second round
with Marine Le Pen, where he will win 66 percent of the votes.
Emmanuel
Macron can be called the most unusual candidate for president of
France. He has no real political experience. He has not been elected
anywhere before. He is not a member of any of the leading parties and the
three years (2006 to 2009) in socialist ranks can be considered a formality;
Macron joined them “officially” but did not pay dues and did not attended party
events.
By
profession, Macron is an investment banker specializing in mergers and
acquisitions and was successful in his career. He graduated from the
National School of Administration, a leading university for the
French elite. He worked for several years as an inspector at the Ministry
of Economy. Then in 2007, a crucial year in his career, the promising
29-year-old economist was spotted and invited by Jacques Attali in his Commission
for stimulating economic growth.
Jacques Attali is a very interesting
person. Formally, he is a philosopher-globalist, a writer of color utopias
of how all nations and states will disappear from the face of the earth during
bloody conflicts, and the survivors of humanity will unite under the banner of
democracy and under the control of a World Government. Moreover, for many
years Attali was well received at the Elysee Palace and is one of the most
influential advisers of generations of French presidents, from François
Mitterrand to Francois Hollande. Local
media, calling him “the true president of France” is hardly exaggerating.
It
is Jacques Attali who created the link between the financial capital and the
elite of the ruling Socialist Party, which he
supports. He is exceptional in his ability to skillfully wrap the
predatory plans of the bankers in beautiful leftist slogans.
In
2008, the Attali commission presented to President Nicolas
Sarkozy “300 proposals to change France” –
a plan for modernization of the economy meant to save it from the long years of
stagnation. The main idea can be formulated as follows: to avoid losing
its competitiveness in the global market, the country must drastically reduce
the cost of labor. One way for this to happen is to increase immigration
to France; low-paid recent immigrants, who will not be able to get organized in
trade unions, will displace the local workers from manufacturing and
services. Also, the plan is impressive with the proposal to drastically
reduce government spending on health, education and pension
provision. Sarkozy did not dare to accept this radical plan.
But let’s go back to Macron. During
his stay at the Commission, he managed to win the sympathy of Attali, who soon
introduced him to his friend, Francois Enron. Enron,
in turn, is the best friend and main partner of David de Rothschild and in 2008 Macron was
hired by the Rothschild’s &
Co Banque where he made quick career and
in four years only he grew from analyst to partner. His commissions exceed
more than one million euros per year but much more valuable are the new
connections in the business world and the reputation of “financial Mozart.”
The biggest deal for Macron in the bank of Rothschild is his
involvement in the purchase of Nestle subsidiary for
baby food of the US drug maker Pfizer’s (for $ 11.85
billion, editor’s note). At that time he met for the first time Matthew Pigasse,
director of the French branch of the Lazard Brothers bank, who wanted to make the same purchase
for his client, Danone, but failed. So
Macron found his greatest enemy in the face of Matthew Pigasse.
In
2010, Pigasse who is a leftist banker and a friend and patron of the French
socialists, planned to become an economic adviser to Francois
Hollande but the ubiquitous Jacques Attali recommended
Emmanuel Macron to Hollande. For several years Macron, perfectly fluent
in English and German, facilitated between the top-socialist of France and the
foreign financial circles. As the Guardian noted maliciously, while Hollande was
shouting at rallies “My main enemy is the financial
capital!” the banking officer of Rothschild, Macron, was
flying to London City to assure bankers that under President Hollande
everything would remain as usual.
In
2012, Hollande became president and Macron left the bank of Rothschild and was
appointed deputy secretary general of the Elysee Palace. In 2014, in his
position of “young reformer”, he headed the Ministry of Economy and Industry
(taking the place of longtime friend and business partner of Pigasse, Arnaud
Montebourg). Hollande gives him carte blanche for
activities related to the modernization of the economy and Macron presents a
bill with more than 300 sections, providing for the liberalization of the
French market. Experts
say that the nature of the law of Macron embodies all the ideas of the Attali
commission. In it, embedded and encouraged are the
immigration, facilities are provided for the release of employees, increased is
the competition within the various professions, indirectly increased is the
working day at the expense of Sundays and night shifts.
The working people in France resolutely did not approve this bill.
The discussion was accompanied by massive protests. There was no chance to
pass the law in parliament. Hollande then exercised his right to
adopt certain bills without the approval of parliament and in August 2015
approved the “Law of Macron”. Interestingly, before
becoming president, Hollande sharply criticized this presidential law and even
called it “fascists”.
In
2016, when the rating of Hollande was embarrassingly low something unusual
started to happen around Emmanuel Macron. Thus,
out of nowhere a movement, “Youth for Macron” arose. It is difficult to even imagine the
youth uniting suddenly around unpopular minister of economy in a country with
depressive economy. However, several thousand people turned out to
participate in the new movement.
Macron founded his own party with
the vague name “Forward!” (En marche!) The rallies began
to gather huge crowds and this at a time when the socialists gathered with
great effort several hundred people at their events. Macron’s program was also
unclear. Condemning the terrorist attacks, he has no plans to close
borders or restrict immigration; promising to increase the country’s
military spending he does not distance it from NATO. In fact, Macron
remains the same globalist, an exemplary pupil of Jacques Attali, focusing on
the slogans of European unity. He criticized both the left and right,
trying to distract voters who traditionally vote for the Socialists, and also
to attract those for whom the National Front of
Marine Le Pen is too radical.
With
his sudden appearance in politics Macron got off at an incredible
rate. Journalists literally carry him in their arms. Women’s
magazines call him a new sex symbol and a dream for any French
woman. Influential newspapers highlight the advantages of his centrist
position. Sociologists predict his victory. And no one reveals
something serious to discredit him. In January, when some criticism
undermined the chances of his main competitors, Marine Le Pen and Francois
Fillon, Macron stayed out of any scandals.
Paradoxically
– and thus potentially “lethal” for a French politician – may seem the private
life of Macron but the media painted a purely romantic story out of
it. The point is that the wife of the favorite in the presidential race (Brigitte
Trogneux, editor’s note.) is 24 years older than him. In
2007, on his wedding day he was 29 and she was 53 years old. Macron told
reporters that he fell in love with his future wife when he was 15 years old,
when she taught French in his school. Meanwhile, he graduated from high
school and university, travelled the world, built a career, but during all
these 14 years he is faithful to his first love.
Despite its implausibility, the story appeals to
journalists. Pictures of Macron, walking hand in hand with his wife, or
Macron with a bottle of baby food, feeding her grandchildren were published by
all the newspapers in the country. Fashion magazines proclaimed his wife
for “an icon of style”. In terms of political technologies this was a good
move: France is aging, and more ladies in retirement are among voters.
For them now there is an abundance of movies in which young handsome men fall
in love with an old lady. The family idyll of Macron is designed for them and
projected on them. It is also true that the tabloids periodically run
rumors that Macron’s lover is the President of Radio France, Matthew
Galle, but there is no evidence.
Overall,
the career of the young politician goes so successfully and the media support
him so strongly that it is impossible not to become suspicious of any other
influence. Once Macron announced that he enters the presidential race, the
French gave him the nickname “the candidate of Rothschild.” There is no
conspiracy in this: the French branch of the Rothschild family, which controls
assets in the tens of billions of euros, quite naturally seeks to have its man
at the Elysee Palace.
The famous family kept friendly and business relations with
generations of French politicians, from Charles de
Gaulle to Georges Pompidou, from Edouard
Balladur to Nicolas Sarkozy. Former secretary general of the
Elysee Palace, Francois Peron, as well as the Director of the Cabinet of
Ministers under Prime Minister Beregovoy, Nikolas Basire have
worked directly for Rothschild’s bank. Historians believe that the
large-scale privatization in the mid-90s was held by Prime Minister Balladur
not without the interference of Rothschild.
The
main competitor in the political struggle for Rothschild appears to be the
Lazard Brothers’ Bank, whose French branch is led by the biggest enemy of
Marcon, Matthew Pigasse. In the Lazard Bank he plays the same role as
Jacques Attali played in the bank of Rothschild. Pigasse loves punk rock
and reality shows, playing guitar; he buys influential newspapers, quotes
interviews with leftist philosophers and is an active companion of leftist
politicians. Like the Rothschilds, Lazard successfully
nurtured Socialists in 2007. Matthew Pigasse sponsored the presidential
campaign of Segolene Royal while supporting Arnaud
Montebourg. After his friend was forced to withdraw from the elections
because of the extremely low popularity Pigasse supported Benoit
Hamon. The latter promised the French unconditional basic income of 750
euros, but bankers know what is ‘left’ rhetoric in the campaign.
The
media of the leftists blames Pigasse for splitting the Socialists. In
fact, the banker simply cleared the way for his protégés in the party and at
the same time paid back his revenge to Francois Hollande for he did
not introduce him at the Elysee Palace. The latest blow on the lowest
rating of Hollande is a book, compiled by journalists from Le
Monde: “The president should not say this …” where cleverly selected
quotations denounce the president as a hypocrite, a racist and a liar. Shortly
after the publication Hollande went on television and gave up a nomination for
a new term. Most of the shares of Le Monde are owned by Pigasse.
In
addition to Le Monde, the French director of Lazard Bank
controls several other influential media outlets. The only threat to
Macron can come from them. If we see a fabrication aiming to discredit
him, the first to publish it will be Matthew Pigasse.
Emmanuel Macron seems a finished product of political
technologies in the presidential race. His image has been thoughtfully
created: his looks, the poignant love story and the politically correct
program. But in this lies its weakness – French voters may feel the
artificial image of the candidate, and the lack of independence as leader of
the nation. The problem is not in bankers involved in politics, in general
it happens all the time; but a strong president will be able to impose his
agenda on the most influential sponsors. However, the pretty face of
Macron bears no resemblance to such president. This is a homunculus grown
by all the rules for managing public opinion.
Today
the sociologists unanimously predict a victory for Macron in the presidential
elections. By the way, the sociologists in the US elections likewise
unanimously promised victory for Hillary Clinton. Regardless of what the
fate of Macron will be, he remains a model of how the agreement between the
financial capital and the leftist parties in Europe work as well as the fact
that the presidents of France change regularly, but the people who propel them
to the Elysee Palace remain the same.
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