Quest for Religious War: How Israel Is Unifying Arabs and Muslims Around Palestine
by Ramzy
Baroud Posted on April 21, 2023
By ordering a brutal attack against
Palestinian worshipers inside Al-Aqsa Mosque on the 14th day of the holy Muslim
month of Ramadan, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu knew very well that
the Palestinians would retaliate.
Netanyahu’s motive should be clear. He wanted to
generate a distraction from the mass protests that have rocked Israel, starting in
January, and divided Israeli society around ideological and political lines, in
ways never witnessed before.
Unwilling to relinquish his hard-earned achievement of
finally winning a decisive election and forming an entirely rightwing
coalition, while fearing that major concessions to his political rivals could
eventually dissolve his government, Netanyahu set his sights on the Al-Aqsa
Mosque.
History has proven that Israeli attacks on Palestinian
holy places are a guarantor of a Palestinian response. For Netanyahu, and also
his National Security Minister, Itamar Ben Gvir, the price of Palestinian
retaliation was worth the political gains of unifying Israelis of all political
backgrounds behind them. For Ben-Gvir, in particular, the attack against
Al-Aqsa would reassure his far-right religious constituency of his commitment
to restoring full Israeli Jewish sovereignty over Palestinian Muslim and
Christian holy places in the occupied city.
What Netanyahu and his allies may have not
anticipated, however, is the intensity of the Palestinian response as hundreds
of rockets were fired, not only from besieged Gaza but, even more strategically
important, from South Lebanon, towards the northern and southern parts of the
country.
Though some damage was reported, the attacks
were a political game changer, as it was the first time in years that fighters
in two Arab countries coordinated their retaliatory action against Israel and
hit back simultaneously.
It will be difficult for Netanyahu to claim any kind
of victory after this, unless he takes his country to a major war on two fronts
– three, if we are to consider the rise of armed resistance in
the Occupied Palestinian West Bank.
However, even a major war could backfire. During the
Israeli attack on Gaza in 2014, Israel struggled to sustain a single military
front as the war lasted 51 days, leading to an Israeli munition crisis. Were it
not for the decision of
the Barack Obama Administration to ship massive supplies of munition to Israel
to fill its depleted arsenal, Israel could have found itself in an
unprecedentedly difficult situation.
The United States, however, is no longer able to play
the role of the emergency weapons supplier, at least for now, due to its own
ammunition shortage resulting from
the Ukraine war. Hence, Israel was careful not to exaggerate in its response to
Palestinian and Lebanese rockets. This episode, however, shall prove decisive,
as it will empower Israel’s regional enemies, and, instead of boosting, it
could potentially undermine Netanyahu’s credibility among his own right-wing
camp.
But how could Israel’s most experienced leader in
history commit such an obvious strategic error?
Aside from desperately making the decision to attack
Al-Aqsa – and likely under pressures from Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich –
Netanyahu and other Israeli leaders often miscalculate the significance of the
spiritual component of the Palestinian struggle, and how it ties to Arab and
Muslim solidarity with Palestine.
What is currently taking place in Palestine is not a
religious war, but some Israeli officials and political parties are keen on
turning it into one.
Though warnings against
"religious wars" in Palestine – in fact, the entire region – have
been mostly linked to Israel’s current “most rightwing government in
history”, religious discourses have been the most dominant since the
establishment of Israel’s founding ideology, Zionism, in the late 19th century.
Despite the historical fact that Zionism has been
situated within a religious context, the founders of the movement were
mostly atheists.
They merely used religion as a political tool to unify Jews globally around
their new ideology and to romanticize in the minds of their followers what is
essentially a violent settler colonial movement.
Yet, over the years, the center of power within the
Zionist movement has shifted, from liberal Zionism to Zionist Revisionism to,
in the last twenty years or so, religious Zionism.
For Israel’s current generation of Zionist leaders, religion is not a political
tool, but an objective. This is precisely why, as Palestinian men and women
were being attacked with ferocity inside the holiest of all mosques, Israeli
Jews were attempting to enter the Muslim shrine to sacrifice animals as
part of the Passover tradition. Although not many of them have succeeded in
doing so, the event suggests that a new kind of conflict is taking shape.
Historically, Israel targeted Muslim and Christian
sites to acquire political capital. Late Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon
did just that when he conducted a
provocative ‘visit’ inside Haram Al-Sharif with hundreds of soldiers in
September 2000, and when the Israeli military completely destroyed or
seriously damaged 203 mosques during its so-called "Operation Protective
Edge" against Gaza in 2014.
Christian sites have also been attacked and
oftentimes confiscated.
The targeting of Palestinian Christians led many community leaders, the likes of
Archbishop Atallah Hanna, to warn against
"an unprecedented conspiracy against the Christian existence."
The attack on Palestinian religious symbols goes
further than the Occupied Territories into historic Palestine, today’s Israel.
The 13th-century architectural marvel, Al-Ahmar Mosque in Safad, for example,
was turned by
Israeli authorities into a nightclub. A study published by
the High Follow-up Committee for Arab Citizens in Israel revealed, in July
2020, that scores of mosques were turned into synagogues, barns, bars or
restaurants.
Israel’s targeting of the Arab and Muslim identity of
Palestine is now being accelerated under Netanyahu’s leadership. But this
strategy is a double-edged sword as witnessed in recent days.
In the video that
went viral of Israeli soldiers beating up Muslim worshipers, the distressed
pleas of a Palestinian woman groaning in pain were heard. “Oh Allah, Oh Allah,”
she repeated. Many in Palestinian media and social media have commented that
the response by Palestinian Resistance was specifically to answer the call of
the unidentified woman. This is the power of spirituality – the kind of logic
that Netanyahu and his allies cannot possibly understand.
On April 3, the Jordanian King rightfully stressed that
“it is the duty of every Muslim to deter Israeli escalations against Islamic
and Christian holy sites in Jerusalem.” When this happens, instead of isolating
and browbeating Palestinians, it is Israel that will find itself even more
isolated.
Though Palestinians do not see themselves fighting a
religious war, protecting their religious symbols stands at the core of their
larger fight for freedom, justice and equality.
Dr. Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the
Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of
six books. His latest book, co-edited with Ilan Pappé, is Our Vision for Liberation:
Engaged Palestinian Leaders and Intellectuals Speak Out. His other books
include My Father was a Freedom Fighter and The Last
Earth. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for
Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net.
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