The
Vacuous Phrase at the Core of Biden’s Foreign Policy
June 22,
2021,
https://www.nytimes.com/section/todayspaper
By Peter Beinart
Anyone who slogs through the diplomatic verbiage
generated last week by President Biden’s inaugural overseas trip will notice
one phrase again and again: “rules-based.” It appears twice in Mr. Biden’s
joint statement with Prime Minister
Boris Johnson of Britain, four times each in the communiqués the United States
issued with the governments of the Group
of 7 and the European
Union, and six times in the manifesto produced by NATO.
That’s no surprise: “Rules-based order” (or
sometimes, “rules-based system”) is among the Biden administration’s favorite
terms. It has become what the “free world” was during the Cold War. Especially
among Democrats, it’s the slogan that explains what America is fighting to
defend.
Too bad. Because the “rules-based order” is a
decoy. It’s a way of sidestepping the question Democrats should be asking: Why
isn’t America defending international law?
Although now mostly directed at China and Russia,
the phrase “rules-based order” began as a critique of Republicans. As the
University of Chicago’s Paul Poast has detailed, the term gained currency
after George W. Bush invaded Iraq without the approval of the United Nations
Security Council, which exemplified his general disregard for international
restraints on American power.
“Rules-based order” became shorthand for the
Democratic alternative. And after Russia annexed Crimea in 2014, and China in
2016 flouted
an international ruling against its expansive claims in the South
China Sea, the phrase gained new life as a way of distinguishing America from
its increasingly assertive challengers. A key purpose of American foreign
policy, Secretary of State Antony Blinken explained last month, is to
“uphold this rules-based order that China is posing a challenge to.”
OK, but which rules, exactly, is America upholding?
Biden administration officials don’t say. In fact, they never clearly define
the term at all. Arguing about phrases like “rules-based order,” the political
scientist Patrick Porter has noted, is like “wrestling with
fog.”
That’s exactly the point. Since the “rules-based
order” is never adequately defined, America’s claim to uphold it can never be
disproved.
There is, however, a related phrase with a much
clearer meaning: “international law.” For decades, diplomats and scholars
around the world have used it to encompass the written and unwritten rules that
govern the behavior of nations. And it is precise because international law
is so much better defined that Biden officials — when speaking solely for the
United States — use it far less.
If Mr. Biden or Mr. Blinken declared that America
upholds international law, critics might ask how that squares with Washington’s
continuing bipartisan love affair with sanctions so punitive that both current and former U.N. special
rapporteurs have likened to them economic war. Skeptics might wonder why the
United States refuses to sign or ratify dozens of international treaties — many
of them endorsed by a vast majority of countries — including the U.N.
Convention on the Law of the Sea, the very treaty that the
Biden administration condemns Beijing for violating its encroachments in
the South China Sea. Or they might question why the United States still maintains a law
that authorizes an American president to use military force
to extricate Americans who are prosecuted by the International Criminal Court.
International law is contested and fragile, and not
all countries shape it equally. But unlike “rules-based order,” it is not
purely an American creation, which means it offers some independent standard
against which to evaluate American behavior. For many Trump-era Republicans,
that’s what makes it pernicious. Putting “America First” means liberating
Americans need to care about what non-Americans think.
That’s not the Biden administration’s view. Mr.
Biden and his top advisers recognize that international legitimacy constitutes
a form of power. They badly want America’s allies — and American voters — to
see America’s overseas behavior as less capricious and less predatory than the
behavior of America’s chief rivals. They just are not willing to submit that
proposition to any test other than one America writes itself.
This is why their efforts are likely to enjoy only
modest success. Yes, non-Americans have more
confidence now that the United States will do the “right
thing” internationally than they did when Donald Trump was president. But
according to an Alliance
of Democracies Foundation poll taken in 53 countries
recently, people around the world still view the United States as a greater
threat to democracy in their country than China or Russia. If Democrats
regularly asked whether America’s actions violate international law, they would
find that sentiment easier to understand.
The literary critic Edward Said once wrote, “Every single empire in
its official discourse has said that it is not like all the others, that its
circumstances are special.” The phrase “rules-based order” is the latest entry
in America’s imperial lexicon. Given the Republican Party’s fervent hostility
to international law, perhaps it’s the best a Democratic president can do. But
the very nebulousness that makes “rules-based order” palatable in Washington
ensures its ultimate irrelevance beyond America’s shores.
Peter Beinart
(@PeterBeinart) is a contributing opinion writer and a professor
of journalism and political science at The
Newmark School of Journalism at The City University of New York. He is also editor-at-large
of Jewish
Currents and
writes The
Beinart Notebook, a weekly
newsletter.
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