DECEMBER 19, 2019
“The notion that global economic integration amounts to human progress
had a good run, dominating the thinking of the powers that be for more than
seven decades. But a new era is underway in which national interests take
primacy over collective concerns, with trading arrangements negotiated among
individual countries.”
This fundamentally misrepresents past trade policies and totally
misrepresents the crux of recent trade deals, like the Trans-Pacific
Partnership (TPP).
Past trade deals were about making it easier to trade manufactured
goods, making it as easy as possible for corporations to take advantage of
low-cost labor in the developing world. This has the predicted and actual
effect of putting downward pressure on the wages of less-educated workers.
The impact of trade was devastating for large segments of the U.S.
workforce. It cost 3.4 million manufacturing jobs (20 percent of the total)
between the years 2000 and 2007. (It cost almost 40 percent of all unionized
manufacturing jobs.) Note, that this was before the Great Recession, which
began in December of 2007.
The argument that this was technology and not trade is truly Trumpian
and deserves the same sort of derision as Trump’s claims about his “perfect”
phone call with Ukraine’s president. We lost relatively few manufacturing jobs
between 1970 and 2000, and we have gained a small number since 2010. So the
Trumpers arguing for the technology story want us to believe that technology
only cost us manufacturing jobs in the years when the trade deficit exploded,
but not in the years prior to that or in the years since. Right.
It is also worth noting that the “free traders” have pretty much zero
interest in free trade in professional services. Even though we could save on
the order of $100 billion a year ($700 per family per year) if we liberalized
rules for physicians, and allowed qualified doctors in places like Canada and
Germany to practice in the United States, the people who think that “global
economic integration amounts to human progress,” have little interest in global
integration when it might reduce the living standards of highly paid
professionals.
It is also important to point out that the liberalization of trade in
goods is largely a done deal. Tariffs are already zero or near zero in the vast
majority of cases. The potential gains from further liberalization are limited,
especially since goods are a rapidly falling share of total output.
Instead, deals
like the TPP are largely about locking in rules on items like intellectual
property protection and preserving
Mark Zuckerberg’s dominance of the Internet. The TPP, like other recent trade
deals, calls for longer and stronger patent and copyright monopolies.
These protections are 180 degrees at odds with free trade. They are
about shifting more income from the bulk of the population to people who
benefit from rents on patents and copyrights, by making them pay more for
drugs, medical equipment, software and a wide variety of other items.
The deals also look to lock in existing rules on the Internet, making it
more difficult for both the United States and other countries to regulate
Internet behemoths like Facebook and Google. Perhaps most importantly, these
deals enshrine Section 230, which protects Facebook and other Internet
intermediaries from facing the same liability for circulating libelous material
as print and broadcast outlets. This has nothing obviously to due with economic
integration, but it is likely to make Mark Zuckerberg richer.
Dean Baker is the senior
economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research in Washington,
DC.
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