War on Gaza: The ICC has suspended Israel's license to kill
21 May 2024
By seeking arrest warrants for the state's top
figures, the court has punctured the myth that Tel Aviv is beyond the reach of
international law
https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/war-gaza-icc-has-suspended-israels-licence-kill
For 76 years, Israel had a narrative more robust as a protective
shield than any Iron Dome.
For the victims of the worst case of industrial
killing in modern history, self-determination for post-Holocaust Jewry was not
merely a necessity, this narrative went, it was a moral imperative. Any state
that emerged was immune from judgement, the story went. Israel was beyond
international law.
It was allowed to have indeterminate borders. It was
allowed to occupy. It was allowed to settle the areas it occupied. It
was allowed to regularly attack its neighbours pre-emptively. It was allowed
nuclear weapons, outside the control of any regulatory authority.
It could violently discriminate against its non-Jewish
minority and still be accepted into the family of democratic nations. It was
not just allowed to lay siege to Gaza and starve the territory’s population for 16
years, it was assisted in this by the international community.
Anyone who rejected the credo that this violent state
had a right to exist faced political banishment.
Israel was a “lifeboat” for Jews facing antisemitism throughout the world. It was not the primary cause of waves of antisemitism. It safeguarded Jews. It did not endanger them.
For 76 years, Israel literally had a licence to kill.
Until Monday.
The chief prosecutor of the International Criminal
Court (ICC), Karim Khan, did much more than apply for arrest
warrants for Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defence Minister Yoav Gallant. The ICC
prosecutor punctured the myth that any Israeli leader, official or soldier was
beyond the reach of international law.
Opening Pandora's box
Netanyahu was right to be nervous about the
consequences, which are indeed far-reaching. A real Pandora’s box has been
opened by this application.
Yes, for the moment, it’s only an application before
the judges of the ICC. There have been occasions in the past when such an
application was initially dismissed, as in the case of a Rwandan militia leader sought over crimes committed in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, or for Omar al-Bashir, the former Sudanese president.
But the pretrial chamber of three judges must only
convince themselves on two points - that there are reasonable grounds to believe
that at least one crime within the court’s jurisdiction has been committed, and
that the arrest of those named “appears necessary” to ensure they appear at
trial, do not endanger an investigation, and cannot continue to perpetrate the
same crime.
Considering the bullying that the court itself has
come under, with the US threatening its members with sanctions, a third unwritten imperative will loom large in
their minds: the need to uphold the independence of the ICC.
If they bow to this pressure, the ICC’s legitimacy
will be finished - and besides, the evidence for the seven charges is overwhelming.
The Pandora’s box is large. If arrest warrants are
served on Netanyahu and Gallant, every other member of Israel’s war cabinet and
military machine, down to the humble reservist uploading videos taken on his
iPhone, could be subject to the same charges.
The second point to bear in mind is that the charges
only relate to what happened on or after 7 October. Khan based his application
on a report by a panel of international law experts, who
homed in on Israel’s policy of famine and siege, restricting the means
necessary for the population as a whole to survive. The experts did not examine
the legal implications of the mass killing of civilians.
If this application succeeds, or even if it is
dismissed temporarily, the ICC’s purview goes back to the moment Palestine
was admitted as a
member in
2015. In 2021, the ICC opened an investigation into allegations of war crimes committed in
occupied Palestine since June 2014.
Monday’s application is about the here and now. A
growing queue of applications about everything Israel has done in the occupied
territories over the last decade awaits.
Long history
The long arm of the ICC’s law has a bitter history.
Khan’s application was not the work of one moment, or indeed the work of one
man who might have thought that Ukraine would be his main legacy after becoming
chief prosecutor in 2021.
The ICC’s jurisdiction over the occupied territories
has been bitterly contested, and a series of obstacles had to be overcome
before this application could be launched. Palestine was not initially
recognised as a state, so it was not allowed to be part of the ICC. Huge
pressure, including the threat of US sanctions, was then put on the Palestinian Authority (PA) not
to use its membership to pursue Israel.
The ICC then had to debate whether it had jurisdiction
over the occupied West Bank and Gaza, and it was only the decision of the previous prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda,
which allowed the current proceedings to go ahead. But that debate took six
years, from 2015 to 2021.
The need for the ICC to step in had been only too
obvious. There had been a number of failed legal attempts to get Israeli
officials to face justice abroad under the principle of universal
jurisdiction.
Former Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, former Defence Minister Shaul Mofaz and former Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni all
faced possible arrest if they travelled to London. But former Prime Minister
Gordon Brown defended Livni, saying he “completely opposed” the warrant issued by
a British court for her arrest for war crimes, and former Foreign Secretary
David Miliband phoned his Israeli counterpart to apologise.
Miliband said at the time of the 2009 incident that British
law permitting judges to issue arrest warrants against foreign dignitaries
“without any prior knowledge or advice by a prosecutor” had to be changed.
Indeed it was. All such attempts now need the
consent of the
director of public prosecutions before a warrant is issued.
US ties itself in knots
The current reaction of the US to the ICC’s
recommendation for arrest warrants is another indicator of what is at stake.
This has ranged from outright threats to the court members to attempts to defund the PA if it continues to back the ICC’s case.
US President Joe Biden expressed outrage at the fact
that the ICC was establishing an equivalence between Israel and Hamas by also
seeking arrest warrants for three Hamas leaders. “And let me be clear: whatever
this prosecutor might imply, there is no equivalence - none - between Israel
and Hamas. We will always stand with Israel against threats to its
security,” he said.
US State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller went
further by saying that Washington’s two preferred outcomes for the
leaders of Hamas were assassination or being tried before an Israeli court.
“The Israeli government should hold them accountable on the battlefield. And if
not a battlefield, then a court of law,” he said.
Biden’s outgoing administration is tying itself in
knots. If it follows its own instincts by punishing the PA, withdrawing funds,
or undermining the legitimacy of the ICC by slapping sanctions on its judges
and prosecutor, the US will be shooting itself in the foot.
If Biden agrees with former Secretary of State Mike
Pompeo that the ICC is a “kangaroo court”, and attempts to undermine it, what happens to the
ICC’s prosecution of Russian President Vladimir Putin as a war criminal for
invading Ukraine, a prosecution the US supports? What happens to all the other
important ICC work?
More importantly, what happens to the US attempts to
construct a civilian authority to take over Gaza instead of Hamas, if
Washington defunds the only other arm of the Palestinian government?
Biden says he wants to rebuild a Palestinian state
after this war is over. Instead, he is fully engaged, with the Israelis, in
dismantling it.
Watershed moment
For Hamas, the prospect of charges against its leaders
is not nearly as problematic. Having welcomed the ICC’s establishment of jurisdiction over the
occupied Palestinian territories, Hamas condemned the court’s decision to seek warrants for its
political bureau chief Ismail Haniyeh, Gaza leader Yahya Sinwar, and Qassam
Brigades commander Mohammed Deif, arguing that armed resistance against
occupation was enshrined in UN resolutions.
But as Hamas is listed as a terrorist organisation in
much of the western world, nothing much will change, apart from the fact that
Haniyeh might not trust a visit to Egypt in the current climate.
Whichever way you look at it, this is a watershed
moment. It punctures Israel’s immunity and deeply embarrasses its backers. It
exposes, as never before, the colonial nature of the stance that international
justice applies only to others.
Khan himself quoted an unnamed western leader as telling him that
the ICC was built for “Africa and for thugs like Putin”. As Khan
observed, this was a sad indictment of a court which was created as the
legacy of the Nuremberg trials.
In this regard, Aipac is right to warn the US that if
the ICC warrants succeed, the same could be applied to American troops. “These
actions by the court pose a serious threat: Past and current American and
Israeli officials and citizens could face secret arrest warrants or summons
issued by the court that ICC member states are obligated to carry out,” Aipac
said in a
statement.
For all these reasons, the ICC action is urgently
needed to stop the barbarous war that is now being prosecuted.
Kicking the habit
It is a war without end. It is a war without an
endgame, as no credible plan has been devised for the future of Gaza. It is a
war where hundreds of thousands of Palestinians in Gaza are herded like cattle
from one tent to another, while Israel continues to cut off all aid. And this
is all happening under the umbrella of impunity.
The ICC move has split the countries that have thus
far put their weight behind Israel’s seven-month offensive. The UK is becoming isolated from Europe in its
insistence that the court does not have
jurisdiction in
Palestine. France, Belgium and others have expressed support for the ICC
investigation.
So, too, has Josep Borell, the EU foreign policy
chief who reminded
states that are
parties to the ICC’s Rome Statute that they must implement the court’s rulings.
But for those leaders, like Biden, who are
finding it hard to kick the habit of a lifetime, support for Israel is now
coming at a cost. It means denying apartheid, denying genocide, and
denying war crimes such as mass starvation. The charge sheet is growing, and
it’s becoming impossible to defend.
The war has shredded not just Israel’s international
reputation, but the global standing of all those who continue to support it -
and for them, the writing is on the wall. Not before time.
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