A Self‐Destructive War on Chinese Software
Donald Trump has made
good on his threats against Chinese‐owned tech companies, issuing executive orders that aim to effectively
ban not only the popular video sharing
app and platform TikTok, but also the Chinese‐owned messaging app WeChat as of September 20. The former is a platform for speech and the expression used by millions of Americans, but the order targeting the latter
may ultimately be even more disruptive. WeChat’s massive popularity in
China—it’s the most popular app in the country by a huge margin, with more
than a billion users worldwide—makes it an essential tool for Americans
(and visitors) communicating with family, friends, and business contacts there.
WeChat isn’t just used for messaging either: it’s also a major payment
platform with hundreds of millions of active users (vastly more than domestic
equivalents like Apple Pay), which makes the order barring “transactions” with
the company a grievous self‐inflicted blow to any American company
trying to compete in Asian markets. It will also disadvantage American makers
of mobile devices, who will be stuck trying to sell Asian consumers hardware on
which they may not be able to easily install the single most popular piece of
software.
And while the “national security” case
for targeting TikTok may be little more than an effort to benefit American
corporations by forcing the app’s parent company, ByteDance, to sell it off on
the cheap, it is harder to see how WeChat, with its primarily Chinese user
base could spin off its American operations as a separate, viable
company. Concerns that the app is a target for Chinese surveillance are at
least more reasonable in the case of WeChat than TikTok, but insofar as users
in the U.S. are most often using it to communicate with people in China, that’s
a risk that applies equally to traditional phone calls and text messages:
When you communicate with people in another country, there’s a risk that
country’s government will be listening in. Moreover, the order will do nothing
to address its putative concern that WeChat is used to monitor the “personal
and proprietary information of Chinese nationals visiting the United
States”—most of whom will presumably arrive in the U.S. with their own mobile
devices and software brought from home. The TikTok order is similarly
incoherent: It notes that many federal agencies have already (and reasonably)
barred the app’s installation on government devices, which is meant to
underscore the seriousness of the threat, but leaves it mysterious why
Americans who don’t work for the government must be
forbidden from making their own decisions about whether the app poses an
unacceptable risk.
This is a radical departure from
the position the United States has always previously adopted, and still
reflected on the Web site of the United States Trade Representative, in a “fact sheet” posted earlier this year:
When
governments impose unnecessary barriers to cross‐border
data flows or discriminate against foreign digital services, local firms are
often hurt the most, as they cannot take advantage of cross‐border digital services that facilitate global competitiveness.
The USTR specifically condemns China’s
“sweeping restrictions on cross‐border data transfers and broad-based data localization mandates.” Yet the logic of the Executive Orders
is effectively a demand for data localization. If TikTok can be sanctioned because of the mere theoretical possibility that the company could be ordered to share data
stored in the U.S. with China, then virtually any foreign-owned technology company operating in the U.S. could be similarly
targeted. (And since, like China, the United States allows the government to
secretly demand foreigners’ data from U.S. firms without warrants, other
countries would be amply justified in targeting our companies in turn.) After
decades of demanding that other countries allow American companies to compete
fairly in their markets, we have announced a policy of passing
a death sentence by executive fiat on foreign companies that manage to
compete too successfully in our markets.
Much like the Trump administration’s
invocation of “national security” as a pretext
for imposing tariffs on Canadian aluminum without
Congressional approval, the orders sanctioning TikTok and WeChat reek of
capricious economic nationalism wrapped in a gossamer-thin security rationale. They are comically hypocritical, dangerous to
free expression, and a ruinous attack on the open global digital market the United States used
to champion so vigorously.
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