Israel’s Long-Held Plan to Drive Gaza’s People Into Sinai Is Now Within Reach
As the UK and US back the carnage in Gaza, including
an imminent ground invasion, are they also about to assist Israel’s ethnic
cleansing plan for a “Greater Gaza” – in Egypt?
by Jonathan Cook Posted on November 01, 2023
As Israel masses its forces along the fence encaging
Gaza, waiting for a green light from the United States for a ground invasion,
the question few are asking is: What is the ultimate endgame for Israel?
Instead, British and US politicians, backed by their
media, have limited themselves to amplifying Israel’s bogus rationales for
indiscriminately bombing men, women and children in the tiny coastal enclave
and preparing to send in troops. Only 80 or so British MPs, out of 650, have so
far called for a ceasefire.
Israeli strikes are known to have killed more than 8,500
Palestinians, nearly half of them children, with many times that number
seriously injured. They are being treated in hospitals without medicines or
electricity. The United Nations estimates at least 600,000 Palestinians are
homeless from the bombing.
At first, Western establishments justified the carnage as Israel’s “right to defend itself”
– a right Palestinians had been denied for the previous 16 years while Israel
enforced a brutal military siege of the enclave that prevented basic goods and
medicines from entering.
Israel’s supposed “right to self-defence” – the
official line from both sides of the political aisle in Britain – serves as
western cover for, and complicity in, the crimes against humanity Israel has
been committing: mass killing and wanton destruction; a “complete siege” of
Gaza, starving it of food and water; and attacks on community infrastructure
such as hospitals, schools, mosques, and UN compounds.
But now, as the death toll becomes increasingly
obscene, the rationale has shifted. In chorus, British and US politicians say Israel must be given the time and space to
“destroy Hamas”.
That requires a ground invasion by Israeli troops –
many of them religious extremists from illegal settlements in the West Bank –
who are certain to be seeking vengeance for Hamas’ attack on October 7. The
atrocities are only likely to intensify.
Military madness
But there is method in Israel’s military madness. And
the main goal is not the one being promoted. Israel has much larger ambitions
than “destroying Hamas”.
Israel knows enough history to understand that
occupied and oppressed peoples never come to accept their subjugation. They
continue to find ways to resist. Even if Hamas can be wiped out, a new, more
fearsome adversary will emerge among the next generation currently being
traumatised by Israel’s bombs.
In fact, after Israel removed its physical presence
from Gaza by pulling out settlers and soldiers in 2005, it began to understand
that it had boxed itself into a strategic corner.
It was still occupying the enclave, but at arm’s
length. This was the rationale for the blockade that tightly limited what was
allowed in and out of the strip. Gaza had been turned into an open-air prison,
controlled by Israel through intensive surveillance via drones, eaves-dropping
and local collaborators.
In practice, however, Israel found it much harder to
police Gaza from afar. Hamas managed to create a much more sophisticated
resistance movement in the small spaces left inside the prison that Israel
could not surveil, such as a network of underground tunnels.
The results became fully apparent in the preparation
and execution of Hamas’ attack on 7 October.
Israel’s strategic problem was compounded by the
humanitarian crisis it had created by penning such a large and growing
population into a tiny area with no resources.
Poverty, malnutrition, unclean water, overcrowding and
lack of housing, as well as the trauma of being encaged and intermittently
bombed by Israel to subdue any resistance, was slowly turning Gaza from a
prison into a death camp. The UN had warned that the enclave would be effectively
“uninhabitable” by 2020.
The solution to this – one that accorded with Israel’s
long settler colonial ambitions to replace the Palestinians in their own
homeland – was clear. Israel needed to create a consensus in the West
justifying the expulsion of the Palestinians from Gaza.
And the only realistic place for them to go was into
the neighbouring Egyptian territory of Sinai.
‘Greater Gaza’
Behind the scenes, Israeli officials term their latest
ethnic cleansing proposal a “Greater Gaza Plan”. Details first leaked in the
Israeli media in 2014, although reports indicate that the origins date to 2007,
when the Bush administration was apparently brought on board following Hamas’
election victory in Gaza a year earlier.
At the time, Israel’s secret plan relied on carrots
more than sticks. The idea was to attach Gaza to Sinai, erasing the border
between the two. Washington would help secure international funding for a free
trade zone in Sinai.
With unemployment at over 60 per cent, massive
overcrowding in the enclave and little clean water to drink, the expectation
was that Palestinians in Gaza would gradually move the centre of their lives to
Sinai, settling there or moving to distant Egyptian cities.
Following the leaks, Egyptian and Palestinian
officials hurriedly denounced the plan as “fabricated”. However, there were
plenty of clues that Egypt had begun facing pressure from 2007 onwards.
In response to the Israeli media leaks of 2014, an
official close to former president Hosni Mubarak admitted that the screws had been turned on him in 2007
to agree to annex Gaza.
Five years later, according to the same source,
Mohamed Morsi, who led a short-lived Muslim Brotherhood government, sent a
delegation to Washington. There, the Americans proposed that “Egypt cede a
third of the Sinai to Gaza in a two-stage process spanning four to five years”.
Morsi too refused.
Suspicions that Egypt’s current president, Sisi, was
close to capitulating in 2014 were fuelled at the time by Palestinian Authority
leader Mahmoud Abbas. In an interview on Egyptian TV, he said Israel’s Sinai plan had
been “unfortunately accepted by some here [in Egypt]. Don’t ask me more about
that. We abolished it.”
The Greater Gaza plan received another boost in 2018
when it was reportedly considered for inclusion in Donald Trump’s
“deal of the century” Middle East “peace” plan. The hope was it would be
financed by Gulf states as part of their normalisation with Israel.
That summer, Hamas even sent a delegation to Cairo to learn about the
proposals.
Crushing Hamas
The gains for Israel in moving Palestinians from Gaza
to Sinai, whether voluntarily under the Greater Gaza Plan or by force during a
ground invasion, are obvious.
Egypt’s military dictatorship would inherit the
problem of crushing Palestinian resistance groups like Hamas – largely out of
view – rather than Israel. Hamas would not be likely to fare well, given the
Egyptian military’s repression of the country’s own political Islamist
movements.
The costs of confining and policing Gaza would shift
from Israel to the Arab world and international community.
Once inside Sinai, ordinary Palestinians could be
expected to seek alleviation from their poverty and suffering by integrating
into wider Egyptian society, eventually moving to big cities like Cairo and
Alexandria. They would be stripped of their right in international law to
return to their homes.
In a generation or two, their children would identify
as Egyptian, not Palestinian.
Meanwhile, the West Bank would be even more isolated
and vulnerable to attacks from Jewish settlers, backed by Israeli soldiers. And
Abbas would no longer be able to claim to represent the Palestinian cause,
undermining his campaign to win recognition for statehood.
Very large stick
The problem is that no Egyptian leader has dared to
accept such a plan, however much international arm-twisting and bribery was
involved.
None wanted to be seen conspiring in Israel’s ethnic
cleansing and final dispossession of the Palestinian people, one of the gravest
and longest-running grievances shared by populations across the Middle East.
Which brings us to Israel’s current bombing campaign,
which accords with no conceivable principle of proportionality, and its
imminent ground invasion. Far from targeting Hamas, Israel has every incentive
to use the Hamas attack of October 7 as a pretext to wreak as much damage on
Gaza as possible.
Israel’s goal is to speed up the process of making
Gaza uninhabitable.
Israel needs Palestinians in Gaza so desperate to
leave that they will ethnically cleanse themselves, and Egypt under so much
opprobrium for not opening the border to Sinai that it finally relents.
With its current bombing campaign, Israel has moved
from carrots to a very large stick.
Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu is aware
that he has only a limited time-window to effect enough carnage to realise
Israel’s plan.
Notably, back in 2018, veteran Israeli reporter Ron
Ben-Yishai revealed that the Israeli military was considering a new
strategy towards Gaza that involved invading it and dissecting it in two, with
Israel occupying the northern half.
At the same time the US was said to be willing to deepen Gaza’s humanitarian
crisis by withholding funds from UNRWA, the UN’s relief agency.
Israel is currently achieving both through its bombing
rampage and its demand that northern Gaza’s population “evacuate”, supposedly
for their own safety, to southern Gaza.
The aim appears to be to squeeze Palestinians into the
tiny space of Gaza’s south, next to the border with Sinai, destroy all civilian
infrastructure, and bomb and terrorise Palestinians in the south too.
Palestinians are already clamouring to be allowed into
Sinai, while Sisi is presumably coming under the severest pressure behind the
scenes to back down and open the border.
In Israel’s cold, cynical calculations, its military
is rolling the toothpaste tube tightly, before opening the top to see the
toothpaste pour out.
If Gaza can be emptied, Israel will hope to establish
a precedent the international community will condone. West Bank Palestinians
will be pressured to join family or compatriots in Sinai.
Having been embarrassed by the festering wound of the
Palestinians’ dispossession for more than 75 years, the West and Arab world
will be only too happy finally to bury the Palestinian cause for good.
Jonathan Cook is the author of three books on the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and a winner of the Martha Gellhorn Special Prize
for Journalism. His website and blog can be found at www.jonathan-cook.net. This originally appeared
at DeClassifiedUK.
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