Lindsey
Graham’s Blank Check. Why a Defense Agreement with Israel Would be a Disaster
for Americans
PHILIP GIRALDI • AUGUST 22, 2019
Two world wars began because of unconditional pledges
made by one country to come to the assistance of another. On July 5, 1914, Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany pledged his country’s complete
support for whatever response Austria-Hungary would choose to make against
Serbia after the June 28th assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of
Austria by a Serbian nationalist during an official visit to Sarajevo, Bosnia.
This fatal error went down in history as Germany’s carte blanche or “blank check,” assurance to Austria that led
directly to WW I.
In
September 1939, World War II began when Great Britain and France came to the
assistance of Poland after the German Army invaded, fulfilling a “guarantee”
made in March of that year. What was a regional war, and one that might have
been resolved through diplomacy, became global.
One
would think that after such commitments were assessed by historians as the
immediate causes of two world wars, no one would ever consider going down that
road again. But that would be reckoning without Republican Senator Lindsey
Graham who has been calling for a “defense treaty” with
Israel since
last April. In his most recent foray, Graham announced late in July that he is seeking bipartisan support for providing “blank check”
assurances to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and is hoping to be
able to push a complete defense treaty through the Senate by next year.
In
making his several announcements on the subject, Graham has been acting as a frontman for both Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu and also for The Jewish Institute for the
National Security of America (JINSA),
which wrote the basic document that is being used to promote the treaty and
then enlisted Graham to obtain congressional support.
Speaking
to the press on a JINSA conference call, Graham said the proposed agreement
would be a treaty that would protect Israel in case of an attack that
constituted an “existential threat”. Citing Iran as an example, Graham said the
pact would be an attempt to deter hostile neighbors like the Iranians who might
use weapons of mass destruction against Israel. JINSA President Michael
Makovsky elaborated on this, saying, “A mutual defense pact has a value in not
only deterring but might also mitigate a retaliatory strike by an adversary of
Israel, so it might mitigate an Iranian response (to an attack on its nuclear
facilities).”
JINSA
director of foreign policy Jonathan Ruhe added that “An Israeli strike on
Iran’s nuclear program would not activate this pact, but a major Iranian
retaliation might. – An Israeli unilateral attack is not what the treaty
covers, but rather massive Iranian retaliation is what we are addressing.”
Israel
has long been reluctant to enter into any actual treaty arrangement with the
United States because it might limit its options and restrain it's an aggressive pattern of military incursions. In that regard, the Graham-JINSA proposal is
particularly dangerous as it effectively permits Israel to be interventionist
with a guarantee that Washington will not seek to limit Netanyahu’s “options.”
And, even though the treaty is reciprocal, there is no chance that Israel will
ever be called upon to do anything to defend the United States, so it is as
one-sided as most arrangements with the Jewish state tend to be.
As the
agreement between the two countries would be a treaty ratified by the Senate,
it would be much more difficult to scrap by subsequent administrations than was
the Iran nuclear deal, which was an executive action by President Obama. And
clearly, the statements by Graham, Makovsky, and Ruhe reveal this treaty would
serve as a green light for an Israeli attack on Iran, should they opt to do so,
while also serving as a red light to Tehran vis-à-vis an ironclad US commitment
to “defend” Israel that would serve to discourage any serious Iranian
retaliation. Given that dynamic, the treaty would be little more than a one-way
security guarantee from Washington to Jerusalem.
Furthermore,
in outlining what circumstances would trigger US intervention on Israel’s
behalf, the JINSA/Graham document cites, inter alia, “the threat or use of weapons of mass destruction.”
It also allows Netanyahu to call for assistance after defining as threatening
any incident or development “that gives rise to an urgent request from the
Government of Israel.” It appears then that Netanyahu could demand that the US
attack Iran should he only perceive a threat, however vague that threat might
in reality, be.
Israeli
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been claiming Iran is “three to five years” and “possibly weeks” away from a nuclear weapons
capability since 1992 and pushing Washington to attack Iran so he obviously
would welcome such a treaty for strategic reasons as well as shore up his
upcoming re-election bid. President Trump, with whom Graham has discussed how
the agreement would work, has a similar interest in appearing strong for Israel
to help his own campaign in 2020.
It is
worth noting that in 2010 Netanyahu ordered the Israel Defense Force (IDF) to
prepare to strike Iran but ‘Israel’s security chiefs refused: Gabi Ashkenazi,
the head of the IDF, and Meir Dagan, the head of the Mossad at the time,
believed that Netanyahu and the Defense Minister Ehud Barak were trying to
“steal a war” and the order was not carried out. The attacks were also rejected
by two ministers, Moshe Yaalon and Yuval Steinitz, which left Netanyahu without
the necessary majority to proceed.
Ashkenazi
claimed in a 2012 interview about the episode that he was convinced that an
attack would be have been a major strategic mistake. Meir Dagan said in 2012,
after leaving his role as Mossad chief, that a strike would be “a stupid
thing” as
the entire region would undoubtedly be destabilized, requiring repeated Israeli
and American interventions.
And
there are other issues arising from a “defense treaty.” Defense means just that
and treaties are generally designed to protect a country within its own
borders. Israel has no defined borders as it is both expansionistic and
illegally occupying Palestinian land, so the United States would in effect be
obligated to defend space that Israel defines as its own. That could mean
almost anything. Israel is currently bombing Syria almost daily even though it
is not at war with Damascus. If Syria were to strike back and Graham’s treaty
was in place, Washington would technically be obligated to come to Israel’s
assistance. A similar situation prevails with Lebanon and there are also reports that Israel is bombing alleged Iranian supply
lines in Iraq, where the US has 5,000 troops stationed.
The
real problem is that the Trump administration is obsessed with regime change in
Iran, but it has so far been unable to provoke Iran into starting a conflict.
Graham’s proposed treaty just might be part of a White House plan to end-run
Congress and public opinion by enabling Israel to start the desired war,
whereupon the US would quickly follow in to “defend Israel,” obliged by treaty
to do so. What could possibly go wrong? The correct answer is “everything.”
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