On
Iran, Why Not Rand?
The Kentucky senator may be meeting with the Iranians on Trump's behalf,
and the neocons must be seething.
The
relationship between the United States and Iran has never been an especially
good one. The best that can be said about the last 40 years is that the two
countries have avoided a conventional war. Sure, there have been flare-ups and
cases of asymmetric conflict—think of the “tanker war” in the late 1980s and
Tehran’s sponsorship of Shia militias in Iraq. But Washington and Tehran have
always found a way to lower the temperature before tensions get out of control.
If ever there was a time when the
thermostat could be turned down, it is today. The U.S. and Iran have been
trapped in a rapid series of escalations that nearly resulted in American
airstrikes on Iranian soil last month. Civilian tankers have been sabotaged in
the Persian Gulf, mortars have been launched in the direction of bases where
U.S. troops are stationed, an American drone has been shot down, Tehran’s oil
sales have declined by roughly 86 percent since April 2018, and the senior U.S.
officials have settled on a strategy that largely consists of making the lives
of the Iranian people as miserable as possible until Tehran signs a better
nuclear deal. Just this week, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei blasted
America and the West as arrogant, using his own Twitter feed to send Washington a message of defiance and resistance.
If there is any direct communication
between American and Iranian officials, it is hidden from public view. All of
this has made Senator Rand Paul’s initiative to open dialogue with Tehran
urgent, necessary, and prudent.
According to a July 17 story in Politico, Paul
recently pitched himself to President Trump as a possible presidential emissary
to the Iranians—someone who could sit down with Foreign Minister Mohammed Javad
Zarif and begin a conversation on the issues that have nearly resulted in
military conflict. Trump apparently accepted Paul’s pitch while the two were on
the golf course last weekend. His decision, while not yet confirmed by the
White House, suggests that Trump is slowly beginning to recognize the
deficiencies of the maximum pressure policy that National Security Adviser John
Bolton, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, and outside counsels like the
Foundation for Defense of Democracies’ Mark Dubowitz has peddled for years.
Far from forcing Tehran’s surrender, economic sanctions and diplomatic
isolation have yielded more Iranian aggression. Iran is now a wounded animal
backed into a corner, ready to fight rather than submit. The chances of a clash
have increased substantially.
In a town filled with tough talkers who
see foreign policy as an extension of domestic politics, Rand Paul is one of
those strange creatures who is willing to throw himself in front of a bus for
the sake of preventing a war. His foes (of which there are many, from Bill
Kristol and Lindsey Graham to Marco Rubio and Liz Cheney) use the lazy
isolationist epitaph to paint him as a gadfly on the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee. But at his core, Paul is neither a gadfly nor an isolationist. The
junior senator from Kentucky is a non-interventionist who has the audacity to
search for diplomatic solutions before doing what most of his colleagues on
Capitol Hill would have long preferred—involuntarily reaching for more punitive
options.
This isn’t the first time Paul has tried
to create space for dialogue with a U.S. adversary. Last year, when so much as
talking to a Russian was universally frowned upon by the political class, Paul
flew to Moscow and delivered a letter on
behalf of President Trump to Russian parliamentarians. A month later, he
introduced an amendment that
would have lifted travel restrictions on Russian lawmakers if Moscow did the
same for their American counterparts. The amendment was a small and reasonable
gesture that removed largely symbolic sanctions in order to encourage Americans
and Russians to familiarize themselves with each other. It was lambasted in
committee and killed.
Paul’s latest initiative with Iran could
run into the same brick wall. The fact that the arrangement was leaked to the
media is an indication that somebody in the Trump administration is totally
opposed to the idea and wants to bury any potential conversations with the
Iranians before they begin. One can almost picture John Bolton, holed up in the
White House basement, hearing the news and frantically ordering his minions on
the National Security Council to expose it in the press.
There are also practical questions that
need to be answered. With Zarif only in New York for another few days, does
Paul has the time for a one-on-one meeting? Would the Iranians be interested
in meeting with the senator, even if he does have the president’s ear? Or is
Khamenei, still seething over the administration’s withdrawal from the nuclear
deal and watching his government’s oil exports disappear, dead set on banning
any contact with the Americans for as long as Trump remains in the Oval Office?
Organizing a
backchannel with the Iranians could be difficult, in large measure because it
will be fought tooth-and-nail by the usual suspects. But Rand Paul’s potential
role as an envoy should be pursued. After all, it isn’t like the hawks have
such a great track record.
Daniel R. DePetris is a foreign policy analyst, a columnist at Reuters, and a frequent
contributor to The American Conservative.
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