The World Order Is on Trial at the International Criminal Court
by Jeremy R. Hammond | Dec 5, 2024
On November 21, the International Criminal Court
(ICC), after months of delay, finally issued arrest warrants as requested by the ICC Prosecutor for Israeli
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant.
Both men are charged with being directly responsible for war crimes and crimes
against humanity committed by Israel in the Gaza Strip since October 8,
2023.
The ICC Prosecutor on May 20, 2024, had also
sought arrest warrants for three Hamas leaders for crimes committed on
October 7, 2023, but at least two of the three are now dead. The head of
Hamas’s political bureau, Ismail Haniyeh, was assassinated by Israel in Tehran,
Iran, on July 31. Yahya Sinwar, the top Hamas official in Gaza who
masterminded the October 7 attacks in Israel and was appointed to succeed
Haniyeh, was killed by Israeli forces on October 16.
The third Hamas official is Mohammad Deif, who joined
Sinwar in planning what they called “Operation Al Aqsa Flood,” and whom Israel
claims to have killed in Gaza on August 1. The ICC proceeded to issue the arrest warrant for Deif on the grounds that it was not in a position to
verify his death.
The two Israeli leaders are accused of using
starvation as a method of warfare and directing attacks against civilians.
Since October 8, 2023, Israel has maintained a
policy of collectively punishing the entire civilian population of Gaza by
blocking delivery into Gaza of goods essential for survival while
systematically destroying the civilian infrastructure, killing over 43,000 Palestinians, about 70% of whom have been women and children—which is exactly what one would expect from
indiscriminate bombing since that is roughly the proportion of Gaza’s
population who are women and children.
Israel’s policy of using starvation as a method of
warfare has recently extended to protecting criminal gangs in Gaza that are
systematically looting aid convoys entering through the Kerem Shalom crossing.
That armistice line between the Gaza Strip and Israel has been the main
crossing being used for the delivery of humanitarian aid into Gaza since the
Rafah crossing with Egypt was closed in May.
When Hamas’ civilian police force has tried to
intervene to stop looting of aid trucks, the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) has
attacked them. Whereas, criminal gangs operating under clans rivalled with
Hamas are allowed to loot convoys under the watchful eye of Israeli forces in
what the IDF has come to call “the looting zone.”
According to the Israeli newspaper Haaretz,
the IDF is protecting the criminal gangs “even though some of the
clans’ members are involved in terrorism, and some are even affiliated with
extremist organizations like the Islamic State.”
The head of the United Nations Office for the
Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), Georgios Petropoulos, described the area near the Kerem Shalom crossing as “the
only place in Gaza where an armed Palestinian can come within 150 meters of a
tank and not get shot.”
Israel has allowed only a minimal amount of aid to
enter Gaza under pressure from the Joe Biden administration, which has made
great efforts to sustain the illusion that the U.S. government is concerned
about the lives of Palestinian civilians.
In truth, Israel’s indiscriminate massacre of
Palestinian civilians and efforts to render Gaza uninhabitable could not occur
without American support.
The day before the ICC issued its arrest warrants, the
Biden administration vetoed a UN Security Council resolution calling for an unconditional ceasefire. It was
the fourth ceasefire resolution since October 7, 2023, that the United States
has vetoed.
The Biden administration has nevertheless tried to
maintain the pretense that it favors a ceasefire with one cynical public
relations ploy after another.
In May, President Joe Biden gave a speech
outlining a three-phase ceasefire proposal that he claimed Israel had accepted while
portraying Hamas as the only obstacle to a cessation of hostilities.
In fact, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu explicitly rejected the proposal on the grounds that the
IDF would not stop until
Hamas was completely destroyed.
Hamas, by contrast, announced its acceptance of the proposal, which was
similar to ceasefire proposals Hamas had agreed to in February and again in May, shortly before Biden’s propaganda campaign to
obfuscate the fact that the obstacle to a ceasefire was not Hamas but Israel.
One of the main reasons why Netanyahu fired Yoav Gallant from his position as Defense Minister, which
occurred on November 5, is because Gallant was the sole member of the prime minister’s security cabinet objecting to Netanyahu’s position that eliminating Hamas
was a higher priority than securing the release of Israeli hostages kidnapped
on October 7, 2023, and still being held captive in Gaza.
Indeed, Netanyahu has been so firm in rejecting a
ceasefire to secure the release of Israeli hostages that he has perpetrated a
public relations hoax of his own with the aim of portraying the families of
hostages who have been demanding a ceasefire as gullible dupes who are serving
Hamas’s agenda.
On September 4, Netanyahu claimed at a press conference that Israel’s intelligence
community had learned that Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar was planning to escape
Gaza, taking hostages with him through the Philadelphi Corridor, a narrow strip
of land along the border between Gaza and Egypt.
During ceasefire negotiations, Hamas has insisted on a
complete withdrawal of Israeli forces, while Netanyahu has insisted on
maintaining a military presence in this area of southern Gaza.
The day after Netanyahu gave that press conference,
the Jewish Chronicle published an article purporting to have verified his claim with
intelligence sources.
The day after that, the German tabloid Bild published
an article claiming that a policy document obtained from Sinwar’s
computer showed that Hamas’s aim in ceasefire negotiations was not to alleviate
the suffering of Palestinian civilians but to rebuild its military
capabilities. To that end, the article claimed, Hamas was using psychological
warfare against the families of hostages to build support for a ceasefire among
Israelis.
Both articles played directly into Netanyahu’s
political agenda. He cited the Bild article at a cabinet
meeting two days after it was published to bolster his position that Israel
could not agree to a ceasefire.
However, the claims made in both articles were
subsequently disavowed by the Israeli military and intelligence communities.
The Jewish Chronicle article, it
turned out, was a hoax. The article was removed from the website, and the publication ended its
association with the article’s author, Elon Perry, who also turned out not to be who he claimed. The IDF clarified that
there was no such document indicating a plan by Sinwar to flee Gaza with
hostages.
As for the document cited in the Bild article,
while one did exist, the tabloid had grossly mischaracterized it, according to the IDF. Contrary to the report, it had been found not
recently but five months prior; it was written not by Sinwar but by a mid-level
Hamas officer; it was not a policy document; and, in the words of the IDF, “it
did not constitute new information.”
The IDF also launched an investigation to determine
who had leaked that document to Bild, resulting in the arrest of one of Netanyahu’s aides on charges of having
leaked classified information and harming national security.
A little more than a month after Netanyahu had
launched his public relations hoax designed to discredit Israelis protesting
his refusal to secure the release of hostages with a ceasefire agreement, Yahya
Sinwar was killed.
He was found not hiding in a bunker surrounded by
hostages but engaged in combat with Israeli forces in Rafah.
Netanyahu’s hoax claim parallels the Biden
administration’s own public relations ploys aimed at manufacturing consent for
the policy of facilitating Israel’s genocide, including the construction
of a
floating pier earlier
this year that cost American taxpayers $230 million to install. Pentagon
officials said the pier would enable the equivalent of 150 trucks per day of
humanitarian aid into Gaza by ship, in lieu of Israel fully opening all border
crossings as demanded by the entire international humanitarian community.
Instead, the pier was operational for only two of its
first six weeks, no more than thirty truckloads of aid per day got through, and
the aid could not be effectively distributed once in Gaza due to Israel’s
continued policy of using starvation as a method of warfare.
To put that into perspective, aid agencies have been
saying that a minimum of 500 to 600 truckloads per day are
required to meaningfully address the humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza.
For another example, after lying that Israel had
already accepted the ceasefire proposal outlined by Biden in his May 31 speech,
the U.S. government introduced a draft resolution that was passed by the UN
Security Council on June 10 as Resolution 2735,
which lent an air of legitimacy to the public relations hoax by reiterating
Biden’s false claim and calling on Hamas to accept the proposal.
Yet the justification offered by the Biden administration for vetoing the
draft resolution on November 20 was that the United States could not support a ceasefire that failed to secure the release of
Israeli hostages.
That excuse illuminates just how cynical the U.S.
government has been in pretending to care about Palestinian civilians because
the vetoed resolution did in fact call for the immediate and full
implementation of Resolution 2735—the very resolution that the United States
had introduced to the Security Council on the grounds that its proposed
ceasefire would secure the release of Israeli hostages.
Yet another public relations hoax was perpetrated by
the Biden administration more recently with the reporting of a leaked letter dated October 13 to Israeli Defense Minister
Yoav Gallant, which warned that if Israel did not meet certain criteria within
thirty days to alleviate the suffering of Palestinian civilians in Gaza,
including the delivery of at least 350 truckloads of humanitarian aid per day
into Gaza, then the United States could cut off arms shipments.
As correctly observed by former State Department official Hala
Rharrit, who had resigned in April to protest the Biden administration’s
support for Israel’s war crimes, the “conveniently leaked” letter was just
another “public relations ploy.”
The thirty-day period, she noted, placed the
deadline after the U.S. presidential election, with the
Democratic Party’s nominee, Vice President Kamala Harris, having already
suffered a major loss of support from within their own party because of the
administration’s complicity in Israel’s brazen war crimes.
At a press briefing on November 4, State
Department spokesman Matthew Miller admitted that Israel had failed to implement the steps
required by the letter to avoid a halt to arms shipments.
In fact, the humanitarian situation had worsened during
the thirty-day period, according to numerous humanitarian
aid organizations,
which assessment was verified by The New York Times by
using Israel’s own data. As noted by The Washington Post,
the amount of humanitarian aid reaching Palestinians during October had fallen
to the lowest point since Israel’s assault on Gaza had begun the prior year.
Proving just what a cynical hoax the supposed threat
to halt arms shipments was, after Israel acted to worsen the humanitarian
situation, the Biden administration announced after the expiration of the 30-day deadline that
it would continue to provide Israel with the weapons necessary to get the job
done—the job being the completion of its genocidal military assault against the
civilian population of Gaza.
The ICC’s issuance of arrest warrants for two Israeli
officials occurred also within the context of a case at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in
which the government of South Africa has accused Israel of violating the 1948 Genocide Convention.
On January 26, 2024, the ICJ ordered Israel to take preliminary measures to
demonstrate its compliance with the Genocide Conventions, having determined
that Israel was committing a plausible genocide in Gaza. Despite being a party
to the UN Charter, which established the ICJ and obligates all member states to
comply with its orders, Israel ignored the ruling and proceeded with its
genocidal assault.
On May 24, the ICJ issued additional provisional measures ordering Israel to halt its military assault on
Rafah in southern Gaza due to that operation’s incompatibility with Israel’s
obligations under the Genocide Convention. Israel again ignored the order and
persisted in the world’s first genocide live-streamed on social media.
The ICC has a reputation for only prosecuting third-world dictators while
leaders of Western countries guilty of gross violations of international law
remain uncountable for their crimes.
The ICC’s issuance of arrest warrants for Israeli
leaders on charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity is a last-ditch
effort by the court to preserve its own credibility.
The question faced by both the ICJ and ICC is whether
they will choose to fulfill their ostensible mandates or to demonstrate their
own irrelevancy by failing to hold accountable the leaders of a country
perpetrating genocide openly with the whole world looking on—a situation exists
because of the complicity of the world’s superpower, the United States
government.
The ICC essentially had no choice but
to issue the arrest warrants, the only alternative being to expose
incontrovertibly to the whole world what a sham it is—nothing more than a
weapon hypocritically used by western powers against two-bit thugs while the
U.S. government goes on violating international law with impunity.
The ICJ will similarly have no choice but to rule,
probably some years from now, that Israel has been guilty of perpetrating the
crime of genocide in Gaza.
The credibility of the existing world order is at
stake. We
are supposed to believe that institutions like the United Nations, its legal
organ the ICJ, and the separately established ICC exist to uphold international
law, to maintain world peace, and to hold aggressors accountable for their
crimes.
The whole world is watching
now as that ostensible raison d’être of the existing world
order is being put to the test. Will these governmental institutions live up to
their promise or prove their own obsolescence? That is the dilemma that the ICC
was faced with in making its decision to issue the arrest warrants.
The significance of both the
ICJ’s deliberations in the genocide case and the ICC’s warrants for Israeli
leaders is that the existing world order characterized by American predominance
is itself now on trial.
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