The Pro-Israel Lobby Is Trying to Fly Under the Radar
By
Amid widespread public disapproval of Israel’s
destruction across the Middle East, pro-Israel donors aligned with AIPAC appear
to be resorting to new fundraising vehicles to covertly channel money to
favored Democratic candidates.
https://jacobin.com/2026/05/israel-lobby-aipac-democratic-primaries
Amid widespread public disapproval of Israel’s mounting destruction across
the Middle East, pro-Israel donors aligned with the American Israel Public
Affairs Committee (AIPAC) appear to be resorting to new, innocuous-sounding
fundraising vehicles to covertly channel money to favored candidates in
high-stakes Democratic primaries.
That now includes the Better Blue Fund, a newly formed
umbrella group that’s using weakened campaign finance rules to act as a
“one-stop shop” for contributions from some of the pro-Israel lobby’s largest
longtime donors, albeit with no mention of having a pro-Israel agenda. In less
than two months, the fund has amassed more than $250,000 as it backs Democratic
candidates already under fire from progressive challengers for supporting
military aid to Israel or receiving endorsements from pro-Israel groups.
That list includes former Rep. Ben McAdams in Utah, House
incumbents Adriano Espaillat and Dan Goldman in New York, and Rep. Wesley Bell
in Missouri, who are all facing contested primary races where their support for
pro-Israel policies has come under scrutiny.
The Better Blue Fund was formed in March as a joint
fundraising committee, meaning it allows multiple candidates to band together to raise
larger sums than they could individually under campaign finance rules. As
the courts and regulators have chipped away at aggregate spending limits,
joint fundraising committees have become increasingly popular vehicles for candidates to receive massive sums
from high-value donors who may have an interest in their policies.
Along with McAdams, Espaillat, Goldman, and Bell, the
Better Blue Fund is currently fundraising for four other Democratic congressional
candidates: Rep. Rob Menendez (NJ), Rep. Grace Meng (NY), Rep. Steve Cohen
(TN), and Jeremy Moss, a Democratic challenger for Michigan’s Eleventh
District. All of the committee’s favored candidates are currently endorsed by pro-Israel groups or have been in the past.
AIPAC and its affiliates have frequently dropped
millions of dollars into contested elections and proudly taken credit for knocking their perceived adversaries out of
office — including the recent ousting of Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY). But as voter
sympathies shift away from supporting Israel, some of the operations’
donors now appear to be opting for a more low-profile approach by funneling
money to outside entities with anodyne-sounding titles.
For example, in the 2020 Utah election cycle, McAdams
was publicly endorsed by the Democratic Majority for Israel, a group
dedicated to forging a close alliance between Democrats and Israel, and received a $5,000 donation from the group’s PAC in his
failed reelection bid.
But this year, Democratic Majority for Israel hasn’t
provided McAdams any direct financial support or public endorsement, while the
Better Blue Fund is backing his campaign. That may be a tactical decision:
McAdams has faced a barrage of attacks in the crowded race, including from progressive candidate Nate Blouin, for his
past stances supporting unrestricted US military assistance to Israel.
As a congressman, McAdams voted in lockstep with pro-Israel groups on military
funding, condemned boycotts of Israel, and attended congressional delegation trips to the country.
But at a recent debate, he decried, “the atrocities [Benjamin] Netanyahu has committed
in Gaza [against] the Palestinian people,” though he suggested the conflict was
not ongoing: “That has ended at this point.”
Familiar Donors
The Better Blue Fund has so far raised nearly $300,000
from a roster of pro-Israel donors. That includes $28,000 from financier
Jonathan Jacobson, who in 2024 gave $2.5 million to AIPAC’s super PAC, United
Democracy Project, making him the second-largest individual contributor to the
group that election cycle. It also includes $24,500 from Rob Stavis, a partner
at the venture capital firm Bessemer Venture Partners, who contributed $50,000
to Democratic Majority for Israel in 2024.
So far, Better Blue Fund’s largest single contribution
is $31,500 from Eric Mindich, an investor who contributed $250,000 to
Democratic Majority for Israel last cycle.
While the Better Blue Fund will eventually be
distributing its war chest to the eight Democrats participating in the
fundraising committee, the group has not yet reported any disbursements to
candidates this quarter. When the fund does so, the donations will appear in
candidates’ filings as Better Blue Fund contributions, obscuring the donors
behind the spending and their affiliations with pro-Israel groups.
Along with the Better Blue Fund, longtime AIPAC donors
have reportedly used other spending vehicles to hide recent spending on behalf
of favored candidates.
In the Democratic primary race for Michigan’s Senate
seat, a new PAC called the Center for Democratic Priorities, which had no prior
campaign history, recently spent $5.3 million on ads boosting Congresswoman
Haley Stevens, not long after AIPAC had championed her to donors in a
fundraising email. The Center for Democratic Priorities’ registration documents
revealed the organization shared the same treasurer as other pro-Israel groups
and employed the same strategy firm used by these groups to place the ad buy.
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