Why US ceasefire proposal failed at UNSC
Russia and China vetoed language which did represent a
shift for Biden — but the devil is in the details
MAR 22, 2024
https://responsiblestatecraft.org/us-ceasefire-gaza-un/
Russia and China just vetoed Biden's
draft resolution on Gaza at the UN Security Council. Algeria also voted against
it.
Though the resolution fell short of clearly demanding a
ceasefire, Moscow and Beijing nevertheless enable Biden to shift the blame to
Russia for the Council's inaction, even though Biden has been the key obstacle
to progress at the Council for the last six months.
Though much of the debate will be on their vetoes, an
analysis of the resolution text reveals both movements in Biden's position, as
well as why his shift remains insufficient in many aspects.
First of all, this is significantly stronger than
previous American drafts, yet it still falls short of a clear and
unequivocal demand for an unconditional ceasefire. One one
hand, it no longer calls for a ceasefire as soon as practicable, as
a previous U.S. resolution did, which was a remarkably weak formulation. But
the operative clause is still very convoluted and unnecessarily complicated —
which has become the hallmark of everything Biden has done on Gaza:
(The Security Council) Determines the
imperative of an immediate and sustained ceasefire to protect civilians on all
sides, allow for the delivery of essential humanitarian assistance, and
alleviate humanitarian suffering, and towards that end unequivocally
supports ongoing international diplomatic efforts to secure such a
ceasefire in connection with the release of all remaining hostages;
The clause does not demand a ceasefire but determines
that it is imperative. Its support is not directly for the ceasefire but for
the negotiation process the U.S. has been co-leading and whose parameters the
U.S. has sought to determine in favor of Israel. The text points out that this
effort to secure a ceasefire is "in connection with the release of all remaining
hostages." (Emphasis mine.)
This is an Israeli demand that is not likely to be
accepted by Hamas in return for a time-limited ceasefire rather than a
permanent one. As such, the American draft endorses the Israeli position in the
negotiations and indirectly conditions the ceasefire on the release of all
hostages, effectively making two million civilian Gazans hostages as well.
Other operative clauses are stronger and more direct,
although they fall short of calling out Israel by name. For instance, the draft
is very strong in:
— “Rejecting…any forced displacement of the civilian population in
Gaza."
— “Demanding ...that Hamas and other armed groups immediately
grant humanitarian access to all remaining hostages."
— “Rejecting… actions that reduce the territory
of Gaza, including through the establishment officially or unofficially of
so-called buffer zones."
— “Condemning ... calls by government
ministers for the resettlement of Gaza and rejects any attempt at demographic
or territorial change in Gaza."
Of course, the government ministers in question are
all Israeli, but the text falls short of naming Israel. Still, this should
arguably commit the U.S. to stopping Israel's ongoing efforts to carve
territory in Gaza and build buffer zones. Otherwise, the U.S. will fail to act
on demands it itself put into its own UN resolution.
On one crucial point, though, as UN
journalist Rami Ayarihas reported, the text has weakened. Earlier drafts strongly
opposed any Israeli attack on Rafah, but the current draft has watered down the
language and moved it to the preamble, only expressing "concern that a
ground offensive into Rafah would result in further harm to civilians"
instead of demanding that it be prevented.
Note that during the Security Council debate, US
Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield made a critical statement: If Russia puts
forward a resolution that does not support the "diplomacy on the
ground" — that is, the diplomatic process co-led by the US — the Council
will remain deadlocked. This is a direct threat by the US to veto any
resolution that doesn't endorse the US diplomatic process and the
American/Israeli parameters for a ceasefire.
In conclusion, this is a shift in Biden's position,
but there may be less here than meets the eye. Undoubtedly, Biden's rhetorical
shift in favor of a ceasefire is noteworthy, but the devil is in the details.
The unnecessarily convoluted operative clause raises concerns that this shift
is less straightforward than it could and should be.
Trita Parsi is the co-founder and Executive Vice
president of the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft.
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