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jueves, 8 de diciembre de 2022

 LA HEGEMONÍA DE ESTADOS UNIDOS ANTE UN DOBLE DESAFÍO EXISTENCIAL

En este blog hemos analizado durante casi diez años la hegemonía de Estados Unidos y su disfuncionalidad para mantener la estabilidad y la paz en el mundo, así como una economía sustentable, que beneficie a la mayoría de la población mundial.

Las élites política, económica y militar de Estados Unidos consideraron que el derrumbe de la Unión Soviética a principios de 1992 demostraba que el sistema capitalista que surgió de la derrota del nazismo alemán, el fascismo italiano y el nacionalismo militarista japonés en 1945, se había afianzado como la estructura económica definitiva para la humanidad; así como el modelo político democrático-representativo se consolidaba, si no como el único posible, sí como el paradigma indiscutible.

Sin embargo, la superpotencia se creyó su propia narrativa, sin darse cuenta de que en el seno de su sistema de dominación estaban ya las semillas de su transformación y eventual declinación.

En primer lugar, el capitalismo es un sistema que desarrolla exponencialmente la capacidad de las fuerzas productivas de la sociedad, a través de la explotación de la mano de obra y los recursos naturales a su disposición; el desarrollo de dichas capacidades productivas se da mediante una competencia feroz entre individuos, empresas y sociedades nacionales[1]; y, con ello, se promueve la innovación constante en la manera de producir, distribuir y consumir.

El sistema no para, y por su propia naturaleza tiende a concentrar los recursos en minorías que se encargan de organizar la producción, el transporte, la distribución y el consumo de bienes y servicios. Y lo intenta hacer de la manera más eficiente posible, con objeto de que la riqueza producida fluya hacia los detentadores de los medios de producción y distribución de dichos bienes y servicios. Riqueza que se reinserta en el sistema como inversión[2] y consumo.

Estados Unidos logró desarrollar en los últimos dos siglos el nodo más dinámico y desarrollado del sistema capitalista en el mundo, lo que le brindó por lo tanto los medios necesarios para fortalecer su aparato político, su sociedad y eventualmente su dominación en el mundo, una vez derrotados los otros nodos que competían con su dominación (Alemania y Japón).

El siguiente paso fue desmantelar un sistema retador al capitalista, que si bien nunca pudo cuajar de manera sólida (socialismo) en el aspecto económico (acabó siendo un hipertrofiado capitalismo de Estado), al menos sí planteó un desafío a la hegemonía de Estados Unidos en términos militares y políticos.

Las élites de Estados Unidos (y en menor medida de sus socios subordinados europeos y asiáticos) consideraron que la desaparición del “socialismo real” en la URSS y Europa Oriental, consolidaba al capitalismo de Occidente, a su sistema político y su superioridad militar como las únicas alternativas para el resto del mundo, y sólo quedaba eliminar o adaptar estructuras regionales que no se acoplaban al sistema (países islámicos) y sociedades que se habían quedado ancladas en el atraso (países subdesarrollados), o incluso en el “socialismo real” (Corea del Norte, Cuba).

El primer error grave de esas élites fue creer que el desarrollo capitalista, es decir la innovación científica y tecnológica y la modernización de los medios de producción y distribución, siempre estaría bajo control de Occidente.

El sistema capitalista busca la mejor manera de producir eficientemente, de acumular capital, y de seguir invirtiendo y consumiendo ingentes cantidades de productos y servicios. Es un monstruo que no se detiene en las fronteras, a menos que el Estado en cuestión limite su expansión.

Así, la innovación, el crecimiento de las capacidades productivas, la búsqueda de mejores condiciones para generar más y mejores bienes y servicios, se desbordaron por todo el planeta y ahí en donde las élites locales supieron ajustar sus condiciones nacionales a las necesidades del capital, éste se desarrolló sin consideraciones políticas, ideológicas o éticas.

Por ello, los países del Sureste asiático, Japón, Corea del Sur y después China, sin contar con las características sociales y políticas “ideales” supuestas por Occidente para que floreciera el capitalismo, desarrollaron rápida y vigorosamente sus sistemas económicos, adaptándolos mejor que Estados Unidos y Europa a las exigencias de la feroz competencia capitalista, y se convirtieron en potencias en el ámbito económico; que si bien en un principio quedaron subordinadas a la dominación estadounidense-europea, pronto crecieron en materia económica y tecnológica de manera cada vez más autónoma, poniendo en riesgo la supremacía de sus pares americanos y europeos.

Con su enorme potencial humano, extenso territorio y vastos recursos naturales, China sólo necesitaba desatar sus energías, que se mantenían maniatadas por un sistema político cerrado y desacoplado de la economía internacional.

A la muerte de Mao, el nuevo liderazgo chino comprendió adecuadamente lo que se debía hacer, y se integró rápida y agresivamente a la dinámica de la economía internacional, con lo que potenció sus capacidades productivas, tecnológicas y aumentó exponencialmente el consumo.

Así, al inicio del siglo XXI China pudo unirse a la Organización Mundial de Comercio, y con ello ampliar su margen de maniobra en materia comercial y de inversiones.

Las élites estadounidenses y europeas creyeron que el crecimiento económico y los avances tecnológicos chinos estarían siempre subordinados a ellas, en vista de que gran parte del capital invertido para dicho avance provenía de Occidente.

Pero China utilizó esos recursos y el know how que obligó a dichas empresas a compartir con los chinos, para ir creando un poder económico autónomo de Occidente, lo que muy rápidamente se evidenció en la segunda década del siglo, cuando China ya competía al tú por tú con Estados Unidos por la supremacía económica mundial.

Así, el primer desafío a la hegemonía estadounidense, relativo a la dominación económica y científico-tecnológica provino del propio sistema capitalista. No es una conspiración de “regímenes” autoritarios que desean acabar con la “libertad del mundo”.

El desarrollo mismo del sistema capitalista y su adopción y comprensión cabal por parte de China, le han permitido situarse como la segunda potencia económica mundial y como un referente en materia científica y tecnológica.

Ahora Estados Unidos pretende detener a China, tratando de desacoplar a ambas economías; sancionando a China por situaciones relativas a derechos humanos o disputas políticas y creando alianzas con países aliados y subordinados de Europa y Asia para intentar detener la expansión económica china; que desde hace una década tiene un plan establecido para ello, a través de la “Belt & Road Initiative”, que prevé el enlace a través de comunicaciones, transportes, rutas comerciales, y flujo de  inversiones y créditos, con prácticamente todas las regiones del mundo.

Si las élites de Estados Unidos y Europa no dirigen su atención a modernizar sus sistemas de producción y distribución; si no impulsan la competencia en materia científica y tecnológica; si insisten en acumular riquezas sólo a través de las finanzas internacionales, y con mucha frecuencia, a través de crisis bursátiles que tienen el objetivo de defraudar billones de dólares a inversionistas de todo el mundo; entonces más temprano que tarde, a pesar de sanciones y bloqueos en su contra, China se alzará como la primera potencia económica mundial, con la posibilidad de que estadounidenses y europeos, con tal de evitar esa posibilidad, estén dispuestos a iniciar una guerra contra China, con desastrosas consecuencias para el mundo entero.

El segundo desafío existencial a la hegemonía de Estados Unidos proviene del propio sistema político que ha intentado imponer en el mundo, la democracia representativa.

Esta se desarrolló en el Occidente, y durante el siglo XX, con el fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, primero, y la caída del ”socialismo real” después, pareció sentar sus reales en la mayor parte del planeta.

Sin embargo, las diferentes culturas, experiencias históricas, razas, formas de ver el mundo y desiguales desarrollos económicos y sociales han generado sistemas políticos diversos, que poco o nada tienen que ver con el ideal democrático occidental (sea el antiguo griego o el moderno anglo-sajón).

Así, las sociedades africanas, asiáticas o latinoamericanas han adaptado a sus circunstancias específicas, a sus ambiciones y luchas de poder particulares el sistema democrático, y por lo tanto poco o nada se parece a lo que estadounidenses o europeos consideran “regímenes democráticos”.

Además, las propias potencias occidentales, para favorecer sus intereses geoeconómicos y geopolíticos, han prostituido y en cientos de ocasiones, erosionado a propósito los intentos de los países de otros continentes, por alcanzar el ideal democrático occidental.

Así, países con potencial económico y militar considerable, con culturas de cientos o miles de años, han desarrollado sistemas políticos acordes a las circunstancias históricas, geográficas y culturales que los caracterizan, y si bien han asumido algunos rasgos de la democracia occidental, de ninguna manera se han atado a dicho modelo.

Pero para Estados Unidos y sus subordinados europeos, su modelo es el mejor, el único que puede brindar felicidad al mundo y por lo tanto, y a pesar de que estos países continuamente se alían con fuerzas sociales y económicas que no son compatibles con las prácticas democráticas en países de otros continentes, insisten en exigir, demandar y tratar de obligar al resto del mundo a seguir su “ejemplo”, a pesar de las múltiples diferencias y trayectorias históricas y culturales entre ellos y otros países y regiones.

Por lo tanto, la insistencia por obligar a potencias como China o Rusia, o a países menos poderosos, pero con suficientes recursos económicos y militares como por ejemplo India, Irán, Arabia Saudita, Turquía, Sudáfrica, etc. a asumir el modelo político de Occidente, fracasa cada vez con más frecuencia, y va generando una mayor tensión internacional y crecientes desencuentros entre el país aún hegemón y los países que presentan resistencia a sus dictados y admoniciones.

Por ello, mientras Estados Unidos se niegue férreamente a aceptar que sus órdenes y condiciones para el resto del mundo tendrán que adaptarse a un orden multipolar, en donde los países adoptan el sistema capitalista de distintas maneras, según sus condiciones y no según los dictados de un centro rector en Nueva York; y donde los distintos países del mundo deciden gobernarse con sus peculiaridades nacionales, sin tener que adoptar exactamente los estándares que Estados Unidos exige, se va a ir encontrando con cada vez más oposición a su hegemonía y con ello, se va a ir creando un polo opositor mundial a ella, constituido no por el “odio irracional” a Estados Unidos, sino por la intransigencia de este país a aceptar que su hegemonía ya no será mundial, si no a lo más regional (América, Europa y parte del Pacífico), y tendrá que negociar con otros países y regiones para lograr una coexistencia pacífica que permita el desarrollo sustentable de la humanidad.



[1] La “destrucción creativa” según Shumpeter.

[2] El ahorro es una porción del ingreso que se aparta para el futuro.

miércoles, 7 de diciembre de 2022

West Bank: Dozens wounded and arrested in Israeli night raids

Israeli forces storm Palestinian communities across the West Bank in the latest escalation

By 

MEE staff

Published date: 6 December 2022

https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/israel-palestine-raids-west-bank-resistance

Israeli forces arrested several Palestinians in dawn raids in the occupied West Bank on Tuesday.

Medical teams reported at least 15 Palestinians were wounded, mainly by rubber bullets.

Confrontations between Israeli troops and Palestinians also erupted in different areas of the West Bank.

Local news agencies reported that Palestinian fighters opened fire on Israeli forces near a cluster of illegal Israeli settlements between Gush Etzion and Hebron, with no reported casualties. 

Shootings near Ofra, a settlement on the main road between Jerusalem and Nablus, were also reported, again without any injuries. 

The Palestinian Prisoner's Club, an NGO supporting detainees, reported that homes in Nablus and Bethlehem were raided and at least two people were arrested. 

In the northern city of Jenin, Israeli forces stormed the homes of several previously released Palestinian prisoners. 

In the outskirts of Ramallah, which serves as the de facto administrative capital of Palestine, Israeli authorities installed roadblocks and checkpoints, impeding the movement of Palestinians.

Israeli troops also closed major roads south of Nablus that connect to Ramallah and confiscated cars.

Record-breaking violence

Palestinian outlets reported at least 26 acts of Palestinian resistance in the past 24 hours, mostly gunfire aimed at Israeli forces. Near daily - and often deadly - Israeli raids in the West Bank in recent months have inflamed tensions, with Palestinians increasingly facing off the assaults with force.

On Monday, Israeli forces in the West Bank killed one Palestinian and wounded six others. 

This year, Israeli forces have killed at least 208 Palestinians, 156 in the West Bank, and occupied East Jerusalem, making it the deadliest year recorded for Palestinians since 2005.

Palestinians have killed 29 Israelis in the same period, the highest number since 2008.

martes, 6 de diciembre de 2022

For the Biden Administration, There Are No Red Lines On Israel

At the J Street Conference this past weekend, Secretary of State Antony Blinken delivered a speech fit for AIPAC.

Peter Beinart

December 6, 2022

https://jewishcurrents.org/for-the-biden-administration-there-are-no-red-lines-on-israel

WHEN J STREET ANNOUNCED that Secretary of State Antony Blinken was speaking at its national conference, it raised the possibility that the Biden administration had finally had enough. Faced with an incoming Israeli government dedicated not merely to entrenching Israel’s control over millions of stateless Palestinians but willing to threaten those who resist with expulsion, perhaps the Biden administration finally found the contradiction between its words and its actions too great to bear. Since taking office, the president has repeatedly vowed that “human rights will be the center of our foreign policy”—even as his administration stood by while Israel criminalized Palestinian human rights groups and demolished homes in Masafer Yatta in the West Bank. Maybe when faced with the prospect of continuing to unconditionally subsidize a government that not only practiced apartheid but flirted with mass ethnic cleansing, the Biden administration would finally change course.

That hope has now been dashed. Blinken didn’t part ways in his speech with Benjamin Netanyahu, Bezalel Smotrich, and Itamar Ben-Gvir. He parted ways with J Street. On Saturday night, when J Street President Jeremy Ben-Ami addressed the conference, he castigated AIPAC and other establishment Jewish groups that believe “the US should continue to provide billions of dollars without restrictions or oversight and protect Israel from any accountability in international institutions.” The following day, from the same podium, Blinken endorsed AIPAC’s view. America’s “security assistance to Israel,” Blinken declared, “is sacrosanct.” He further boasted that “at the United Nations, we have consistently and vigorously pushed back against unjust anti-Israel bias.”

Why should the US feel a quasi-religious obligation to give Israel billions of dollars to buy US weapons irrespective of how it treats the Palestinians under its control? Why does the Biden administration—which often declares itself the defender of the “rules-based international order”—deem it unjust to apply international law to the Jewish state? Blinken didn’t answer these questions. Trying to do so would have led him into even deeper moral incoherence and strained the politeness of the J Street crowd. So instead, Blinken repeated the stock phrases without elaboration. Without any real justification, he committed a Democratic administration to unconditional support for an Israeli government filled with ministers so crudely racist that even AIPAC itself once declared them beyond the pale.

But it was even worse than that. Blinken didn’t even pledge to undo the gratuitous humiliations imposed on the Palestinians by Donald Trump. He didn’t promise to reopen the PLO mission in Washington or the US embassy in East Jerusalem, established in 1844 before being closed in 2019 by Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, a man who once called Barack Obama an ISIS sympathizer. Blinken didn’t say that settlements violate international law—another longstanding US position that Trump overturned and the Biden administration has failed to restore. Nor did Blinken repudiate the Trump administration’s embrace of the IHRA definition of antisemitism. The Biden administration still supports that definition, even though it could label as a bigot Palestinian Knesset member Ayman Odeh—who spoke at the J Street Conference a few hours after Blinken—for proposing that Israel be a “state for all its citizens” rather than one premised on the legal supremacy of Jews.

All this may not be entirely Blinken’s fault. His boss, Joe Biden, is a longtime AIPAC ally who as vice president resisted the Obama administration’s modest efforts to challenge Netanyahu. During the 2020 campaign, Biden called conditioning aid to Israel “outrageous.” But given that Blinken had so little to offer J Street’s audience, why did he come? The right-wing Washington Free Beacon quoted a state department official who called Blinken’s appearance “a blatant and obvious attempt to stick Bibi [Netanyahu] in the eye.” Perhaps some in the Biden administration felt that just appearing at J Street would send a message to Netanyahu and company that the Biden administration’s patience isn’t endless. But unfortunately, all the evidence suggests that it is. Never over the last two years have Israeli leaders even pretended that they were limiting settlement growth or seeking to negotiate a sovereign Palestinian state. Had those leaders paid a price for their intransigence, Israeli voters might have thought twice about electing figures like Ben-Gvir and Smotrich who would provoke additional US sanctions. But because US aid remains sacrosanct even when Ben-Gvir and Smotrich control top ministries, Netanyahu will feel less pressure to curb their efforts to effectively annex the West Bank. Nor is there much reason for Smotrich and Ben-Gvir to stop threatening Palestinians with expulsion.

No one familiar with Israel’s history—which involved mass expulsions in 1948 and 1967, and smaller expulsions ever since—can be sure that, if a full-scale war with the Palestinians erupted again, Smotrich and Ben-Gvir would not put their aspirations into practice. For years, polls have shown that large-scale ethnic cleaning enjoys significant popular support. At least two renowned Israeli historians, Tom Segev and Yehuda Bauer have warned that it could happen. Another renowned Israeli historian, Benny Morris, has said he hopes it does. In his speech at J Street, Odeh recounted a conversation with the late Zeev Sternhell, Israel’s leading scholar of fascism, who wrote in 2019 that the demonization of Israel’s Palestinian citizens reminded him of the demonization of Jews at the beginning of the Nazi era. “Without democracy,” Sternhell warned, “it is not the failure, but rather the success of a minority that may trigger a deadly turn of events.” In the wake of Ben-Gvir and Smotrich’s election, Odeh echoed, “I fear we have already begun seeing another deadly turn of events.”

If such horrors transpired, would Blinken stop treating US aid and diplomatic protection as “sacrosanct”? It would be nice to think so. But the record doesn’t warrant such a view. It suggests that, when it comes to Israel, the Biden administration has no red lines, none at all.

lunes, 5 de diciembre de 2022

Americans Dumbed Down on Russia

by Ray McGovern Posted on December 05, 2022

https://original.antiwar.com/mcgovern/2022/12/04/americans-dumbed-down-on-russia/

Five years ago today, Congress learned from sworn, horse’s-mouth testimony that there is no technical evidence that Russia (or anyone else) hacked the DNC emails showing how the DNC had stacked the deck against Bernie Sanders, Hillary Clinton’s rival for the Democratic nomination.

I can almost hear readers new to this website cry out in disbelief: "That cannot be. Official Washington and the media assured us that the Russians hacked those emails in order to help Trump win. And didn’t Obama throw out 35 Russian diplomats in reaction? And what about those 12 Russian intelligence agents indicted for hacking?" Were U.S. officials and media mistaken?

No, not mistaken. They were lying.

"But … but, does this mean Special Counsel Robert Mueller knew there was no concrete evidence of Russian hacking just six months into his 22-month investigation into Trump-Russia collusion?"

Get Him Under Oath

On December 5, 2017, Shawn Henry, head of the cyber security firm CrowdStrike, testified to the House Intelligence Committee that there was no technical evidence that Russia hacked the DNC emails that WikiLeaks published in July 2016. CrowdStrike had been hired by the DNC and the Clinton campaign (with the FBI’s blessing) to investigate "Russian hacking".

Shawn Henry is a protégé of former FBI Director Robert Mueller (from 2001 to 2012), for whom Henry served as head of the Bureau’s cyber-crime investigations unit before he went to CrowdStrike. What are the chances that Shawn Henry did not keep his former mentor, the Special Counsel, informed of this critical factoid?

Why are some of you readers just now learning about this – five years after that testimony? Short answer: Adam Schiff (D, CA), chair of the House Intelligence Committee was able to keep Henry’s unclassified testimony secret from Dec. 5, 2017 until May 7, 2020, when he was forced to release it. Schiff gave the silencer-baton to friends in the corporate media, who have now suppressed Shawn Henry’s testimony for longer than even Schiff could.

In sum, five years (and counting) after Henry’s testimony, the corporate media are still keeping viewers/listeners in the dark. Were we Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS) not banned from corporate media, those interested in the "hacking" hoax could have learned what was going on by reading our Memorandum "Allegations of Hacking are Baseless", of December 12, 2016 – a year before Shawn Henry, under oath, came clean. Henry’s confession came as no surprise to us. (Updates are available here and here.)

Yet, the New York Times, for example, keeps up the drumbeat. Charlie Savage was careful last week to insert the following, in an article about Julian Assange (don’t miss what the New York Times itself embedded):

His [Assange’s] public image shifted significantly after WikiLeaks published Democratic emails that had been hacked by the Russian government as part of its covert operation to help Donald J. Trump win the 2016 presidential election.

Thus the words of Charlie Savage and the Gray Lady. There is always some clown who does not get the word – but Charlie is no clown. He knows what the narrative still has to be, and adheres to it (and, thus, to his job).

The reasoning behind suppressing Shawn Henry’s testimony appears to have gone something like this: The truth about "Russian hacking" cracks the centerpiece of Russia-gate; it pulls the rug from under what we corporate media have been saying about the evil Putin and what we label Trump’s "bromance" with him. Worse, the truth could deny the MICIMATT the image of the threatening "enemy" it needs to "justify" building and selling weapons. Besides, Americans probably can’t handle the truth. And what they don’t know won’t hurt them.

What Americans Don’t Know

Humorist Will Rogers had it right:

“The problem ain’t what people know. It’s what people know that ain’t so; that’s the problem.”

What Americans "know" is that President Vladimir Putin is evil and that Russia must be stopped in Ukraine. This comes of six straight years of indoctrination/brainwashing. Putin and his colleagues, of course, are aware of this. It must seem to them that people in the US an Europe are being steeled with the propaganda basis for wider war. This gets extremely dangerous. What people don’t know can really hurt them and lead them into another misbegotten war – this one far worse than other recent misadventures.

If the sophomores advising President Joe Biden refuse to acknowledge that Russia has escalation dominance in Ukraine, the likelihood of wider war in the coming months looms large. And despite recent optimistic projections by top intelligence officials, Ukraine and NATO are far more likely to run out of ammunition before Russia does.

Ray McGovern works with Tell the Word, a publishing arm of the ecumenical Church of the Saviour in inner-city Washington. His 27-year career as a CIA analyst includes serving as Chief of the Soviet Foreign Policy Branch and preparer/briefer of the President’s Daily Brief. He is a co-founder of Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS).

sábado, 3 de diciembre de 2022

Just Half of Americans Trust the Military, Survey Finds

Most want to continue helping Ukraine—and most don’t think there’s a clear China strategy, according to the Reagan Institute poll.

Marcus Weisgerber

DECEMBER 1, 2022

https://www.defenseone.com/threats/2022/12/just-half-americans-trust-military-survey-finds/380332/

Americans’ trust and confidence in the military increased slightly over the past year, but remain near a five-year low, according to a new survey by the Ronald Reagan Institute

Conducted in early November after the U.S. midterm elections, the study found that 48 percent of the American public trusts and has confidence in the military, up from 45 percent last year but way down from 70 percent in 2018.

“No other public institution has seen this stark of a decline as we have seen for the U.S. military,” said Rachel Hoff, the institute’s policy director. “I'll note that it does still rank at the top of the list of the institutions we poll.”

Why the decline? The perceived over-politicization of military leaders was cited by 62 percent of respondents as the top reason for their decline in confidence. And 59 percent cited “the performance and competence of presidents, as the Commander-In-Chief.”

Also of note: 57 percent of those surveyed said the U.S. “must continue to stand with Ukraine and oppose Russian aggression.” But 33 percent said that “America has enough problems at home and cannot afford to spend more on the conflict.” More Democrats favored continued support for Ukraine (73 percent) than Republicans (51 percent). Some 76 percent of respondents said they view Ukraine as an ally, up from 49 percent one year ago. And 82 percent view Russia as an enemy, up from 65 percent last year. Recall: in 2019, one in four surveyed viewed Russia as an ally of the United States.

Some 77 percent of those surveyed said they were concerned that Russia might use a nuclear weapon, while 74 percent said they were concerned the war in Ukraine might spill over into Eastern Europe and force the U.S. to get involved. And some 70 percent said they were concerned that the war in Ukraine is distracting U.S. policymakers “from the threat posed” by China.

“To me, the way I read it, despite these very real concerns, and the survey makes the respondents aware of those concerns, there's still this continued support for Ukraine,” said Roger Zakheim, the institute’s Washington director. 

Some 71 percent of those surveyed said they are concerned that Russian aggression “will inspire other authoritarians to invade their democratic neighbors,” Hoff said. 

Finally, 54 percent of those surveyed said that the United States does not have a clear strategy for managing its relationship with China, while 27 percent said the U.S. does have a clear strategy. And 54 percent said they support efforts to reduce the amount of trade between the United States and China. Also: “a bipartisan majority of Americans support efforts to discourage a Chinese invasion of Taiwan.”

viernes, 2 de diciembre de 2022

Fear ramps up in Turkish-Syrian borderlands as major offensive looms

Civilians on both sides of the border are tired of rockets and tired of war, but as Turkey prepares a ground offensive life is likely to get worse fast

By 

Yusuf Selman Inanc

Ali Haj Suleiman

Published date: 1 December 2022 

https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/turkey-syria-border-operation-fear-ramps-up

Karkamis, Turkey, and Azaz, Syria - From the door of a half-empty kebab restaurant in the southern Turkish town of Karkamis can be seen a gaping hole in the ground. It’s a reminder to the customers here, and all the town’s residents, of the danger they faced and continue to face.

One man walked through that door grumbling about his daughter, mixing Kurdish words with his Turkish ones in a heavily accented voice.

“She is still in fear, she doesn’t leave her mother for a moment,” he said to the owner.

“This restaurant should have been full now. But people are afraid to go outside. The rocket, you know, landed over there,” he told Middle East Eye.

Ten days ago, rockets slammed into this community, killing three people, including a teacher and a child. It was part of escalating violence between Turkey and Syrian Kurdish groups, sparked by a bombing in Istanbul and likely to end in a full-scale Turkish ground offensive in northern Syria.

“If the rocket landed two minutes before, dozens of children would be dead,” the father said.

In Karkamis, people are frightened they will look up into the sky and see more rockets fired their way. Ankara says they have been fired by the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG) militia, which Turkey considers an arm of the outlawed PKK armed group. The YPG denies any part in the 13 November Istanbul bombing that ratcheted up tensions in the first place.

Here in Turkey’s southern borderlands, exhaustion with the fallout of Syria’s decade-long war is reaching boiling point.

“Wallahi, we are fed up with this war,” the restaurant owner said. That exasperation is increasingly being translated into animosity towards Syrians themselves. When a Syrian beggar approached, the restaurateur angrily shouted “Yallah, yallah,” shooing him from his premises.

“Our soldiers are dying there [Syria], yet these insolents still ask for money!”

Karkamis is a small town near the Syrian border, situated on the opposite side of Syria’s Jarabulus, a town under Turkish control. Not much is stirring among its traditional, brown-walled homes. After the latest attack, the streets are vacant, and all schools and many shops remain firmly closed.

People are advised not to go outside or gather in squares. They are clearly rattled. There aren’t many sources of income for a tiny town like this, especially in Turkey’s current economic crisis. But being placed in a semi-lockdown by rocket fire is only making things worse.

'We are terrified'

At a pocket-sized barber shop nearby, a fierce debate was taking place.

“We are terrified. Most residents have gone to Gaziantep. But this bloody war never ends,” one customer complained, admiring his clean-shaven face in the mirror.

The barber bristled. He’s got a very clear idea of who is to blame: the Turkish government. Kurdish fighters can be seen jumping the border fence all the time, he claimed. Why couldn’t the border guards just beat them?

Another customer had been waiting his turn to speak. “You know, my father is confined to bed. One of the rockets hit the wall of our garden. It could have hit the house and killed us all,” he said.

“We can’t sleep at night. We are used to the sound of bullets and rockets but still terrified if more missiles hit us. Never trust the PKK!”

Turkish, Kurdish and Arabic all intermingle on the streets of Karkamis, with the latter being heard more and more in recent days: increasing numbers of Syrian refugees are crossing the border to visit relatives ahead of the likely military offensive.

“May God help us!” said Syrian resident Soleiman. “Most of my relatives fled to Azaz. Now they are hitting there, too.”

The day after the rocket attack on Karkamis, more fell on Azaz, a town 100km away in Syria, killing five civilians. The rockets were reportedly fired from Tal Rifaat, a strategic Kurdish-held enclave that is likely to be Turkey’s offensive’s first target.

Like Karkamis, commerce has been hollowed out by the attack, spelling bad news for swathes of the Aleppo countryside that uses it as a hub.

Azaz merchants are now living in fear, one called Khaled al-Ahmed told MEE.

“Now, we are facing stagnation. The real estate and automobile sectors were also affected by the latest bombing,” he said.

Maha Afadli, an internally displaced Syrian, once felt she’d finally found safety in Azaz. But now she’s worried the war will reach her there again.

“I am from Aleppo, but moved to Tal Rifaat, was displaced by the PYD there, and settled in Azaz in 2016,” she said, referring to the YPG’s political arm. “I want all the displaced to return to their lands,” she said, despairing that international powers haven’t managed to wage peace in Syria.

'Nylon tents do not protect us'

Things are no less fraught in the displacement camps that stretch along the Syrian side of the Turkish border. In the Jabal Bursaya camp near the Bab al-Salama border crossing, Khalaf al-Jassem recalls recent attacks with a grimace.

“My family and I have been looking for a safe place to live. We are terrified by the recent bombings. The children were crying, and the women were screaming in terror, because this place is considered safe,” he said.

The United Nations estimates that 6.5 million Syrians have been internally displaced since the beginning of the civil war in 2011. Most of them live in camps.

Jassem is worried for his family. “Nylon tents are fragile and do not protect us from a shell or a missile. If one of them hits our tent, we’ll be certainly dead,” he said, adding they have no place to go - Azaz was the last safe haven.

Cecelia al-Taweel’s story is no different. Her journey searching for a safe place began in 2012 when she left her hometown of Homs for Damascus. She then fled to Daraa, then Quneitra in 2018, and ended up in Azaz.

She believes the Kurdish shelling attacks will only increase if Turkey launches its offensive.

That tension is felt a handful of kilometres over the border in Oncupinar, in Turkey's Kilis province, as well. The border town was hit by Kurdish shelling on 21 November, wounding eight police officers.

With troops building up, military vehicles frequently ferry men and equipment from place to place. Turkey is expected to attack Tal Rifaat from Oncupinar alongside 4,000 allied Syrian rebels, if negotiations with Damascus’ ally Russia fail.

Ankara has been trying to get Russia to convince Syrian government forces and Kurdish fighters to pull out of Tal Rifaat to avoid bloodshed. That eventuality looks more unlikely by the day. The sound of shelling and rockets is heard all the time.

“People are more terrified than ever,” said an NGO worker who frequently visits the camps in Syria’s north. “People are aware that Turkey doesn’t want more refugees. And there is no safer place in Syria [than Azaz],” they added.

 

jueves, 1 de diciembre de 2022

Washington’s Carthaginian Peace Collides With Reality

The Biden administration refuses to tell the American people the truth: Ukraine is not winning and will not win this war.

Douglas Macgregor

Nov 29, 2022

https://www.theamericanconservative.com/washingtons-carthaginian-peace-collides-with-reality/

The national political and military leaders who committed America to wars of choice in Vietnam, the Balkans, Afghanistan, and Iraq, did so as a rule because they were convinced the fighting would be short and decisive. American presidents, presidential advisors, and senior military leaders never stopped to consider that national strategy, if it exists at all, consists of avoiding conflict unless the nation is attacked and compelled to fight.

The latest victim of this mentality is Ukraine. In the absence of a critical root-and-branch analysis of Russia’s national power and strategic interests, American senior military leaders and their political bosses viewed Russia through a narrowly focused lens that magnified U.S. and Ukrainian strengths but ignored Russia’s strategic advantages—geographic depth, almost limitless natural resources, high social cohesion, and the military-industrial capacity to rapidly scale up its military power. 

Ukraine is now a war zone subject to the same treatment the U.S. armed forces inflicted on Germany and Japan during the Second World War, on Vietnam in the 1960s, and on Iraq over decades. Power grids, transportation networks, communications infrastructure, fuel production, and ammunition storage sites are being systematically destroyed. Millions of Ukrainians continue to flee the war zone in pursuit of safety, with ominous consequences for Europe’s societies and economies. 

Meanwhile, the Biden administration repeatedly commits the unpardonable sin in a democratic society of refusing to tell the American people the truth: contrary to the Western media’s popular “Ukrainian victory” narrative, which blocks any information that contradicts it, Ukraine is not winning and will not win this war. Months of heavy Ukrainian casualties, resulting from an endless series of pointless attacks against Russian defenses in Southern Ukraine, have dangerously weakened Ukrainian forces. 

Predictably, NATO’s European members, which bear the brunt of the war’s impact on their societies and economies, are growing more disenchanted with Washington’s Ukrainian proxy war. European populations are openly questioning the veracity of claims in the press about the Russian state and American aims in Europe. The influx of millions of refugees from Ukraine, along with a combination of trade disputes, profiteering from U.S. arms sales, and high energy prices risks turning European public opinion against both Washington’s war and NATO. 

Russia has also undergone a transformation. In the opening years of President Putin’s term of office, the Russian Armed Forces were organized, trained, and equipped for exclusively national territorial defense. But the conduct of the Special Military Operation (SMO) in Ukraine has demonstrated the inadequacy of this approach for Russia’s National Security in the 21st century. 

The opening phase of the SMO was a limited operation with a narrow purpose and restricted goals. The critical point is that Moscow never intended to do more than persuade Kiev and Washington that Moscow would fight to prevent Ukraine from joining NATO, as well as the further mistreatment of Russians in Ukraine. The SMO was, however, based on invalid assumptions and was terminated. As it turned out, the limited nature of the SMO achieved the opposite of the outcome that Moscow desired, conveying the impression of weakness, rather than strength.

After concluding that the underpinning assumptions regarding Washington’s readiness to negotiate and compromise were invalid, Putin directed the STAVKA to develop new operational plans with new goals: first, to crush the Ukrainian enemy; second, to remove any doubt in Washington and European capitals that Russia will establish victory on its own terms; and, third, to create a new territorial status quo commensurate with Russia’s national security needs.

Once the new plan was submitted and approved, President Putin agreed to an economy of force operation to defend Russian territorial gains with minimal forces until the required resources, capabilities, and manpower was assembled for decisive operations. Putin also appointed a new theater commander, General Sergei Surovikin, a senior officer who understands the mission and possesses the mindset to deliver success. 

The coming offensive phase of the conflict will provide a glimpse of the new Russian force that is emerging and its future capabilities. At this writing, 540,000 Russian combat forces are assembled in Southern Ukraine, Western Russia, and Belarus. The numbers continue to grow, but the numbers already include 1,000 rocket artillery systems, thousands of tactical ballistic missiles, cruise missiles, and drones, plus 5,000 armored fighting vehicles, including at least 1,500 tanks, hundreds of manned fixed-wing attack aircraft, helicopters, and bombers. This new force has little in common with the Russian army that intervened 9 months ago on February 24, 2022.

It is now possible to project that the new Russian armed forces that will evolve from the crucible of war in Ukraine will be designed to execute strategically decisive operations. The resulting Russian force will likely take its inspiration from the force design and operational framework recommended in Colonel General Makhmut Gareev’s work If War Comes Tomorrow? The Contours of Future Armed Conflict. The new military establishment will consist of much larger forces-in-being that can conduct decisive operations on relatively short notice with minimal reinforcement and preparation. 

Put differently, by the time the conflict ends, it appears Washington will have prompted the Russian State to build up its military power, the very opposite of the fatal weakening that Washington intended when it embarked on its course of military confrontation with Moscow. 

But none of these developments should surprise anyone in Washington, D.C. Beginning with Biden’s speech in Warsaw effectively demanding regime change in Moscow, the Biden administration refused to see foreign policy in terms of strategy. Like a stupid general who insists on defending every inch of ground to the last man, President Biden confirmed the United States’s commitment to oppose Russia and, potentially, any nation-state that fails to measure up to globalism’s hypocritical democratic standards, regardless of the cost to the American people, whether in terms of their security or prosperity. 

Biden’s speech in Warsaw was hot with emotion and mired in the ideology of moralizing globalism that is popular in Washington, London, Paris, and Berlin. But for Moscow, the speech was tantamount to a Carthaginian Peace plan. Biden’s “take no prisoners” conduct of U.S. foreign policy means the outcome of the next phase of the Ukrainian War will not only destroy the Ukrainian state. It will also demolish the last vestiges of the postwar liberal order and produce a dramatic shift in power and influence across Europe, especially in Berlin, away from Washington to Moscow and, to a limited extent, to Beijing. 

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Douglas Macgregor

Douglas Macgregor, Col. (ret.) is a senior fellow with The American Conservative, the former advisor to the Secretary of Defense in the Trump administration, a decorated combat veteran, and the author of five books.