The Ultimate Goal of Jewish Settler Violence in the West Bank
In October, amid the two-year anniversary of the Gaza
genocide, Jewish settler attacks on Palestinians in the West Bank hit an
all-time high. And they will escalate – as long as they are allowed by U.S.-led
West.
by Dan
Steinbock | Nov
18, 2025
Last Thursday dawn, Israeli settlers set fire to the
Hajja Hamida Mosque in
the Palestinian village of Deir Istiya in the north of the West Bank.
Photographs taken at the scene showed racist, anti-Palestinian slogans sprayed
on the walls of the mosque, which was damaged in the blaze. Copies of the Quran
– the Islamic holy book – were also burned.
October 2025 recorded the highest monthly number of Israeli
settler attacks since
the UN Humanitarian office (OCHA) began documenting such incidents in 2006.
That’s more than 260 attacks resulting in casualties, property damage or both –
an average of eight incidents per day.
Reminiscent of the Gaza atrocities, one in every five
Palestinians killed by Israeli forces in 2025 across the West Bank, including
East Jerusalem, is a child.
During this olive harvest season, settler violence has
reached the highest level recorded in recent years, with the injury of more
than 150 Palestinians and the vandalism of over 5,700 trees.
This violence is not a fringe phenomenon. It is
deliberate, systematic and escalatory. Shunning all international condemnation,
it seeks to establish new “facts on the ground.” It is ethnic cleansing aiming
at involuntary population transfer and, unless disrupted, mass atrocities.
From vigilantes to state terror
At the beginning of 2024, Zvi Sukkot, Knesset member of the
Religious Zionist Party and
a colleague of the self-proclaimed fascist Bezalel Smotrich, urged the
government to “occupy, annex, and demolish all the houses [in Gaza], and build
large neighborhoods and settlements.” It sounded harsh, but the zealot was
consistent. He had a dream. What happened in Gaza would not stay there but
spread to the West Bank.
A far-right Jewish settler living illegally in the
West Bank, Sukkot is a former member of The Revolt, a violent
Jewish terror group, which has engaged in numerous arson attacks. The group
advocates the dismantling of the Israeli state to establish the Kingdom of
Israel that follows Jewish Law rather than the rule of (secular) law.
In 2010, Sukkot was arrested in an investigation of a
mosque arson and expelled from the West Bank for violent anti-Palestinian
attacks. He had defended Jews suspected of firebombing a Palestinian family and
been arrested for alleged involvement in “price tagging”; that is, vandalism
and violent settler attacks against Palestinians.
As of 2017, the group was still active, in what the
Shin Bet internal security agency calls “the second generation of…The Revolt.”
By early 2023, Sukkot had made it to the Knesset, the
Israeli parliament. And after October 7, Prime Minister Netanyahu appointed him
to chair the Knesset Subcommittee for “Judea and Samaria” (read: the West
Bank).
To the settlers, Sukkot is a success story reflecting
the march of extremist settlers to the Israeli institutions in the past two
decades.
As a member of The Revolt,
Sukkot could only firebomb a few Palestinians, mosques and churches. It wasn’t
efficient. Now he is in a position to shape the future of the land. He is no
longer fighting those in charge. He is in charge.
How did the Messianic far-right march into
institutions they once hoped to pull to pieces? Ostensibly, democratically.
With the rise of the Jewish dual state, the Netanyahu cabinets have subverted the secular
democratic state. The parallels are alarming. Similar trajectories broke the
back of the Weimar Republic a century ago.
Ironically, the Israeli settlement policy was first
developed by the Labor governments, which paved the way for the foxes to take
over the henhouse.
The rise of Jewish settlements
Since the 1970s there has been a tacit collusion
between the Israeli state and the settlers. It is a symbiotic system. The state
takes over land, while the settlers, who seek land to further their agenda,
engage in violence against Palestinians to achieve their expulsion.
Occasionally, the two cooperate directly, but the
preference is to retain an arm’s length distance, to preserve the semblance of
the rule of law. The ultimate aim of settler violence is to foster Greater
Israel; that is, a Jewish-only space between the Jordan River and the
Mediterranean.
A new stage ensued in 2018, when the Basic Law
codified that “the State views the development of Jewish settlement as a
national value, and shall act to encourage and promote its establishment and
strengthening.” In keeping with this principle, Israel has dispossessed
Palestinians in the West Bank to use their land to build new settlements and to
expand existing ones.
According to international law, an occupier must not
confiscate land for the needs of the occupier. So, Israel came up with the
legal acrobatics of “declaring” instead of “confiscating” land. Based on a
subversion of the Ottoman land law from 1858, this bizarre interpretation
allowed Israel to take over 16 percent of the West Bank prior to October 7; or
500 to 5,000 dunams per year. Amid the Gaza genocide in the first half of 2024,
declarations of state land shot to 24,000 dunams. In other
words, while Gaza was burning, Israeli occupation authorities were rushing to
take over the West Bank.
Under the labor coalition, the number of settlements
grew slowly until the election triumph of the Israeli hard right in the late
1970s. That’s when Prime Minister Begin initiated a huge and purposeful
settlement policy to take over the West Bank. In the process, the Jewish
settler population soared from a few thousands to over half a million in the
West Bank prior to October 7, 2023.
In parallel, Israeli governments have encouraged
increasing Jewish settlement in Jerusalem. Since 1967, it has more than tripled
to 600,000, whereas the number of Palestinians is close to 390,000. The tacit
objective has been to maximize the number of Jewish settlers in the West Bank,
while increasing the Jewish population in Arab East Jerusalem.
Settler violence
Following the rise of Netanyahu’s far-right cabinet in
late 2022, the efforts to achieve Jewish supremacy in the West Bank have
escalated dramatically. Taking advantage of the Gaza War, groups of violent
settlers have carried out organized operations to expel
Palestinian communities,
through threats, intimidation, property damage, and physical assaults.
Settler Violence Incidents
Until recently, Israeli and international media have
characterized instances of settler violence as “rampages,” which suggests
violent but uncontrollable behavior, involving a large group of people. In
reality, the violence has been systemic and coordinated.
After the settler violence in Huwara in February 2023,
Maj. Gen. Yehuda Fuchs, head of the military’s Central Command in charge of the
West Bank, described the rampage as “a pogrom done by outlaws.” He deliberately used the term referring to mob
attacks against Jews in Eastern Europe at the turn of the 20th century. As a
result, Fuchs himself was targeted for assassination by Kahanite settlers,
according to Shin Bet. It wasn’t the first time. In 2007, then-prime minister
Ehud Olmert lashed out at settlers in Hebron, who attacked Palestinians and
their property. Like some other Israeli leaders, Olmert called the attacks a
pogrom, which made him the target of far-right settlers, supported by U.S. billionaires
like the late casino tycoon, Sheldon Adelson.
Referring to antisemitic violence in Russia, the term
“pogrom” is usually defined as an officially tolerated organized massacre. In
this sense, the pogroms by the Jewish settlers in the West Bank are indeed
reminiscent of those in Kishinev and elsewhere, as many Israelis suggest.
More than a century ago, Jews knew only too well the
consequences of mobs rushing into Jewish neighborhoods while calling for “Death
to the Jews!”
Today, Palestinians know exactly what will follow when
Jewish settlers burst into Arab neighborhoods crying for the “Death to the
Arabs!”
Settlements as a Security Burden
Ever since the 1970s, the settlers and their U.S.
financiers have argued that the settlements ensure Israel’s security. In this
view, settlers allow the residents of Tel Aviv to breathe easy because the
settlements are good for national security.
In reality, the settlements are a security burden for
Israel. ln the past decades, there have been no major war between Israel and
its Arab neighbors. Yet, due to the Separation Wall and fragmentation of the
West Bank, the line of defense that the Israeli Defense Force (IDF) is required
to protect is today about five times the length it would be
without the settlements.
Stunningly, before October 7, the IDF had to
deploy more than half its active forces, and in crisis situations even two-thirds of them, in
the West Bank. That was more than the forces allocated to guarding all other
fronts combined (Lebanon, Syria, Gaza, and the Jordanian border along the
Arava).
Worse, these allocations had to be coupled with a
large contingent required to protect the settlements. According to estimates,
some 80 percent of IDF forces in the West Bank were allocated to settlement
guard duty, while the only 20 percent focused on defending the borders of the
pre-1967 Israel.
Furthermore, the IDF presence and operations have
contributed to several major uprisings, which penalized economic prospects in
Israel as well. If Israeli military presence in southern Lebanon was the
architect of Hezbollah, its presence in the West Bank and Gaza has served as
the midwife of Hamas.
The brutal occupation has divided Israel internally
and isolated it externally. It is responsible for the ethnic cleansing of
Palestinians and the genocidal atrocities in Gaza. None of this was inevitable.
None of it was warranted.
And none of it could have happened without the
continuous flows of arms and financing by the U.S.-led West.
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