Georgia: Election was just as much about the economy
Closer ties to Europe have not helped Tbilisi on the
fiscal front, just look at the numbers
Oct 28, 2024
https://responsiblestatecraft.org/georgia-elections-eu/
Indignant western armchair pundits and politicians
have fallen into collective rage, signallng that the general election result in
Georgia equated to the theft of a European choice.
The opposition to the apparent winner, the ruling
Georgia Dream party, is now being joined by international voices, including
the U.S., calling for an
investigation into claims of election violations.
But Western politicians, journalists, and NGOs have
cynically, and in a way, willfully ignored the wider economic picture, and have
instead spun up the election as an existential struggle between Europe
(European Union) and Russia. There is so much nuance here that needs to be
examined and is not.
For one, study the vast amount of credible economic
data and you’ll uncover the unpalatable truth that Georgia has been a net loser
from closer EU economic ties thus far. And that the war in Ukraine, which the
EU is helping to bankroll, has halted progress on key economic priorities in
Georgia, including reducing unemployment.
Taking a step back, Georgia has become an economic
dynamo since 2012 through its sovereign endeavors. This small, proud nation
with a population of 3.1 million, ranks number 7 in the World Bank’s ease of doing business index, ahead of the UK
and every EU country except Denmark.
Average
economic growth has
been a throaty 5.2%, 6.2% percent if you subtract the pandemic contraction in
2020. GDP per capita has increased by 79%. According to the World Bank, poverty
reduced from 70.6%
to 40.1% between 2010 and 2023, through sound macroeconomic management. There’s
still more work to do to get it lower.
Georgia’s economic growth performance has largely been
driven by domestic investment. As a percentage of GDP, investment has averaged
a brisk 26.6% per year since 1996, compared to the EU (21.8%)
and the UK (18.8%).
Yet signing the EU Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade
Agreement (DCFTA) in 2014 didn’t unleash a tidal wave of new European investment
into Georgia.
EU foreign direct investment in 2024 was only $65k
higher than in 2014, at an average 29.6% of total FDI in Georgia over that
period. Russia is a significant but not key investment player, accounting for
just 5.4% of FDI in 2023.
If we look at trade, the signing of the DCFTA, in
theory at least, should have driven a mutually beneficial surge in trade. But
that simply hasn’t happened.
The European Commission website proudly announces that
Europe is Georgia’s biggest trade partner. But EU trade with
Georgia accounts for
just 20.9% of the total. And that is only because Georgia has been flooded with
European exports since 2016.
In fact, western European states have been eating
Georgia’s lunch when it comes to trade. On average, Georgia’s eight largest
western European trade partners (including the UK) now export four times as
much to Georgia than they import. The biggest culprit is Germany which in 2022
exported 7.8 times more ($673 million) to Georgia than it received in imports
($86 million). European
exports to Georgia had
quadrupled to 3.6 billion Euros by 2023 and are still rising.
Yet, Georgian exports to the EU have stood still. Why?
Look on the EU website and you will find 58 separate trade defense
investigations by Europe against Georgia since 2021, looking to restrict
imports of everything from tires to tinplate and tableware. Europe actively
places barriers against Georgian imports. Georgia has been accused of helping
Russia evade export sanctions, but the evidence
for that is weak.
Look East and you will see a different picture.
Bulgaria exports as much to Georgia as the powerful western EU nations
combined, yet is the only EU trading nation that imports more from Georgia than
it exports.
Because trade is all about gravity. Sofia is much
closer to Tbilisi than Strasbourg. Countries trade more with those countries
closer to their borders because the cost of trade is lower.
Through a mix of gravity and history, 62.2% of
Georgia’s exports go to its eight biggest Eurasian trade partners (former
Soviet states, Turkey, China and India). And the trade balance is more even
than it is with Europe, as Eurasian states export 1.8 times more to Georgia
than they import. Russia exported 2.9 times more than Georgia in 2022 because
of a surge in fuel exports. However, Georgian exports to Russia have also
increased by 56% since 2017 and now make up 9.4% of the total.
The major economic shock Georgia has had to confront
has been the war in Ukraine. A net 87,200 people from Russia, Ukraine and
Belarus emigrated to
Georgia between 2022
and 2023, two thirds of them Russian. Historically, Georgia had fairly even net
migration, but the war-induced influx prompted unprecedented
house price inflation of
around 35% with rents up by as much as 50%.
High inflation during the first two years of the
Ukraine war appears to have been tamed by the National Bank of Georgia which
hiked interest rates to their highest level since the Global
Financial Crisis.
An economic flip side, is that Georgia saw a much
needed boost in its current account which recorded its only significant surplus
since the Soviet period in the third quarter of 2022. This was driven by
surging service exports, that is, foreign money spent by migrants in
Georgia. Foreign
Exchange reserves also
rose to a post-Soviet high.
But the influx of Russians fleeing the draft
undoubtedly increased resentment and social tension in part driven by historical enmity, including
around the 2008 Georgian war. But it runs deeper. Georgia’s impressive reduction in
unemployment has
also flat-lined, having dropped from 20.6% in 2009 to 11.6% in 2020.
Worryingly, 26.7% of
Georgia’s young people are
unemployed, and have seen young, digitally nomadic, middle class Russians
crowding out opportunities in high-valued-added sectors.
The West has framed the election and its results in
almost Manichean terms, a battle of light and dark, between Europe and Russia.
They have positioned Georgia Dream’s founder Bidzina Ivanishvili, as a Kremlin
stooge. Yes, Ivanishvili, like many oligarchs, gained his wealth during the
chaos of Soviet collapse. His nationalism is rooted in a conservatism that has
echoes of Putin’s Russia and Orban’s Hungary.
But his economic approach in Georgia has been driven
by specifically Georgian considerations. And elections always, ultimately, get
tipped by domestic issues.
By today’s election count, it would seem a majority of
Georgian people chose prosperity over war. It’s time to let Georgia’s
government get back to the task of strengthening their wonderful country still
further.
Ian Proud was a member of His Britannic Majesty's
Diplomatic Service from 1999 to 2023. He served as the Economic Counsellor at
the British Embassy in Moscow from July 2014 to February 2019. Prior to Moscow,
he organized the 2013 G8 Summit in Lough Erne, Northern Ireland, working out of
10 Downing Street. He recently published his memoir, "A Misfit in Moscow:
How British diplomacy in Russia failed, 2014-2019."
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