Israel Is in a Death Spiral. Who Will It Take Down With It?
by Jonathan Cook Posted on August 08, 2024
There should be nothing surprising about the
revelation that troops at Sde Teiman, a detention camp set up by Israel in the
wake of Hamas’s 7 October attack on southern Israel, are routinely using rape as a weapon of torture against Palestinian
inmates.
Last week, nine soldiers from a prison unit, Force
100, were arrested for gang-raping a Palestinian inmate with a sharp object. He
had to be hospitalised with his injuries.
At least 53 prisoners are known to have died in Israeli detention, presumed in most cases to
be either through torture or following the denial of access to medical care. No
investigations have been carried out by Israel and no arrests have been made.
Why should it be of any surprise that Israel’s
self-proclaimed “most moral army in the world” uses torture and rape against
Palestinians? It would be truly surprising if this was not happening.
After all, this is the same military that for 10
months has used starvation as a weapon of war against the 2.3 million people of Gaza, half of
them children.
It is the same military that since October has laid waste to all of Gaza’s hospitals, as well as
destroying almost all of its schools and 70 percent of its homes. It is the
same military that is known to have killed over that period at least 40,000
Palestinians, with a further 21,000 children missing.
It is the same military currently on trial for genocide at the International Court of
Justice (ICJ), the highest court in the world.
If there are no red lines for Israel when it comes to
brutalising Palestinian civilians trapped inside Gaza, why would there be any
red lines for those kidnapped off its streets and dragged into its dungeons?
Sexual violence
I documented some of the horrors unfolding in Sde
Teiman in these pages back in May.
Months ago, the Israeli media began publishing testimonies from whistleblowing guards and doctors detailing
the depraved conditions there.
The International Committee of the Red Cross has
been denied access to the detention camp, leaving it entirely
unmonitored.
The United Nations published a report on 31 July into the conditions in which some
9,400 captive Palestinians have been held since last October. Most have been
cut off from the outside world, and the reason for their seizure and
imprisonment was never provided.
The report concludes that “appalling acts” of torture
and abuse are taking place at all of Israel’s detention centres, including
sexual violence, waterboarding and attacks with dogs.
The authors note “forced nudity of both men and women;
beatings while naked, including on the genitals; electrocution of the genitals
and anus; being forced to undergo repeated humiliating strip searches;
widespread sexual slurs and threats of rape; and the inappropriate touching of
women by both male and female soldiers”.
There are, according to the investigation, “consistent reports” of Israeli security forces
“inserting objects into detainees’ anuses”.
Last month, Save the Children found that many
hundreds of Palestinian children had been imprisoned in Israel, where they faced
starvation and sexual abuse.
And this week B’Tselem, Israel’s main human rights
group monitoring the occupation, produced a report – titled “Welcome to Hell” – which included the testimonies of dozens of
Palestinians who had emerged from what it called “inhuman conditions”. Most had
never been charged with an offence.
It concluded that the abuses at Sde Teiman were “just
the tip of the iceberg”. All of Israel’s detention centres formed “a network of
torture camps for Palestinians” in which “every inmate is intentionally
condemned to severe, relentless pain and suffering”. It added that this was “an
organized, declared policy of the Israeli prison authorities”.
Tal Steiner, head of the Public Committee Against
Torture in Israel, which has long campaigned against the systematic torture of
Palestinian detainees, wrote last week that Sde Teiman “was a place where the most
horrible torture we had ever seen was occurring”.
Can of worms
In short, it has been an open secret in Israel that
torture and sexual assault are routine at Sde Teiman.
The abuse is so horrifying that last month Israel’s
high court ordered officials to explain why they were operating outside Israel’s own laws
governing the internment of “unlawful combatants”.
The surprise is not that sexual violence is being
inflicted on Palestinian captives. It is that Israel’s top brass ever imagined
the arrest of Israeli soldiers for raping a Palestinian would pass muster with
the public.
Instead, by making the arrests, the army opened a
toxic can of worms.
The arrests provoked a massive backlash from soldiers,
politicians, Israeli media, and large sections of the Israeli public.
Rioters, led by members of the Israeli parliament,
broke into Sde Teiman. An even larger group, including members of Force
100, tried to invade a military base, Beit Lid, where the soldiers
were being held in an attempt to free them.
The police, under the control of Itamar Ben Gvir, a
settler leader with openly fascist leanings, delayed arriving to break up the
protests. Ben Gvir has called for Palestinian prisoners to be summarily
executed – or killed with “a shot to the head” – to save on the costs of
holding them.
No one was arrested over what amounted to a mutiny as
well as a major breach of security.
Bezalel Smotrich, Israel’s finance minister, helped
whip up popular indignation, denouncing the arrests and describing the Force
100 soldiers as “heroic warriors”.
Other prominent cabinet ministers echoed him.
Already, three of the soldiers have been freed, and more will likely follow.
The consensus in Israel is that any abuse, including
rape, is permitted against the thousands of Palestinians who have been seized
by Israel in recent months – including women, children and many hundreds
of medical
personnel.
That consensus is the same one that thinks it fine to
bomb Palestinian women and children in Gaza, destroy their homes and starve
them.
Rape permitted
Such depraved attitudes are not new. They draw on
ideological convictions and legal precedents that developed through decades of
Israel’s illegal occupation. Israeli society has completely normalized the idea
that Palestinians are less than human and that any and every abuse of them is
allowed.
Hamas’s attack on 7 October simply brought the
long-standing moral corruption at the core of Israeli society more obviously
out into the open.
In 2016, for example, the Israeli military appointed
Colonel Eyal Karim as its chief rabbi, even after he had declared
Palestinians to be “animals” and had approved the rape of Palestinian women in the interest of boosting
soldiers’ morale.
Religious extremists, let us note, increasingly predominate among combat troops.
In 2015, Israel’s supreme court dismissed a
compensation suit from a Lebanese prisoner that his lawyers submitted after he was
released in a prisoner swap. Mustafa Dirani had been raped with a baton 15 years earlier in a secret jail
known as Facility 1391.
Despite Dirani’s claim being supported by a medical
assessment from the time made by an Israeli military doctor, the court ruled that anyone engaged in an armed
conflict with Israel could not make a claim against the Israeli state.
Meanwhile, human and legal rights groups have regularly reported cases of Israeli soldiers and police raping and
sexually assaulting Palestinians, including children.
A clear message was sent to Israeli soldiers over many
decades that, just as the genocidal murder of Palestinians is considered
warranted and “lawful”, the torture and rape of Palestinians held in captivity
is considered warranted and “lawful” too.
Understandably, there was indignation that the
long-established “rules” – that any and every atrocity is permitted – appeared
suddenly and arbitrarily to have been changed.
On a precipice
The biggest question is this: why did the Israeli
military’s top legal adviser approve opening an investigation into the Force
100 soldiers – and why now?
The answer is obvious. Israel’s commanders are in
panic after a spate of setbacks in the international legal arena.
The ICJ, sometimes referred to as the World Court, has
put Israel on trial for committing what it considers a “plausible” genocide in
Gaza.
Separately, it concluded last month that Israel’s
57-year occupation is illegal and a form of aggression against the Palestinian
people. Gaza never stopped being under occupation, the judges ruled, despite claims from its apologists, including
western governments, to the contrary.
Significantly, that means Palestinians have a legal
right to resist their occupation. Or, to put it another way, they have an
immutable right to self-defense against their Israeli occupiers, while Israel
has no such right against the Palestinians it illegally occupies.
Israel is not in “armed conflict” with the Palestinian
people. It is brutally occupying and oppressing them.
Israel must immediately end the occupation to regain
such a right of self-defense – something it demonstrably has no intention to
do.
Meanwhile, the chief prosecutor of the International
Criminal Court (ICC), the ICJ’s sister court, is actively seeking arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu
and his defense minister, Yoav Gallant, for war crimes.
The various cases reinforce each other. The World
Court’s decisions are making it ever harder for the ICC to drag its feet in
issuing and expanding the circle of arrest warrants.
Both courts are now under enormous, countervailing
pressures.
On the one side, massive external pressure is being
exerted on the ICJ and ICC from states such as the US, Britain and Germany that
are prepared to see the genocide in Gaza continue.
And on the other, the judges themselves are fully
aware of what is at stake if they fail to act.
The longer they delay, the more they discredit
international law and their own role as arbiters of that law. That will give
even more leeway for other states to claim that inaction by the courts has set
a precedent for their own right to commit war crimes.
International law, the entire rationale for the ICJ
and ICC’s existence, stands on a precipice. Israel’s genocide threatens to
bring it all crashing down.
Stalling the ICC
Israel’s top brass stand in the middle of that fight.
They are confident that Washington will block at the
UN Security Council any effort to enforce the ICJ rulings against them – either
a future one on genocide in Gaza or the existing one on their illegal
occupation.
But arrest warrants from the ICC are a different
matter. Washington has no such veto. All states signed up to the ICC’s Rome
Statute – that is, most of the West, minus the US – will be obligated to arrest
Israeli officials who step on their soil and to hand them over to The Hague.
Israel and the US had been hoping to use
technicalities to delay the issuing of the arrest warrants for as long as
possible. Most significantly, they recruited the UK, which has signed the Rome Statute, to do their dirty
work.
It looked like the new UK government under Keir
Starmer would continue where its predecessor left off by tying up the court in
lengthy and obscure legal debates about the continuing applicability of the
long-dead, 30-year-old Oslo Accords.
A former human rights lawyer, Starmer has repeatedly
backed Israel’s “plausible” genocide, even arguing that the starvation of
Gaza’s population, including its children, could be justified as “self-defence” – an idea entirely alien to international law, which
treats it as collective punishment and a war crime.
But now with a secure parliamentary majority, even
Starmer appears to be baulking at being seen as helping Netanyahu personally
avoid arrest for war crimes.
The UK government announced late last month that it
would drop Britain’s legal objections at the ICC.
That has suddenly left both Netanyahu and the Israeli
military command starkly exposed – which is the reason they felt compelled to
approve the arrest of the Force 100 soldiers.
Under a rule known as “complementarity”, Israeli officials might be able to avoid war crimes
trials at The Hague if they can demonstrate that Israel is able and willing to
prosecute war crimes itself. That would avert the need for the ICC to step in
and fulfill its mandate.
The Israeli top brass hoped they could feed a few
lowly soldiers to the Israeli courts and drag out the trials for years. In the
meantime, Washington would have the pretext it needed to bully the ICC into
dropping the case for arrests on the grounds that Israel was already doing the
job of prosecuting war crimes.
International isolation
The patent problem with this strategy is that the ICC
isn’t primarily interested in a few grunts being prosecuted in Israel as war
criminals, even assuming the trials ever take place.
At issue is the military strategy that has allowed
Israel to bomb Gaza into the Stone Age. At issue is a political culture that
has made starving 2.3 million people seem normal.
At issue is a religious and nationalistic fervour long
cultivated in the army that now encourages soldiers to execute Palestinian children by shooting them in the head and chest, as a US
doctor who volunteered in Gaza has testified.
At issue is a military hierarchy that turns a blind
eye to soldiers raping and sexually abusing Palestinian captives, including
children.
The buck stops not with a handful of soldiers in Force
100. It stops with the Israeli government and military leaders. They are at the
top of a command chain that has authorized war crimes in Gaza for the past 10
months – and before that, for decades across the occupied territories.
This is why observers have totally underestimated what
is at stake with the rulings of the ICC and ICJ.
These judgments against Israel are forcing out into
the light of day for proper scrutiny a state of affairs that has been quietly
accepted by the West for decades. Should Israel have the right to operate as an
apartheid regime that systematically engages in ethnic cleansing and the murder
of Palestinians?
A direct answer is needed from each western capital.
There is nowhere left to hide. Western states are being presented with a stark
choice: either openly back Israeli apartheid and genocide, or for the first
time withdraw support.
The Israeli far-right, which now dominates both
politically and in the army’s combat ranks, cares about none of this. It is
immune to pressure. It is willing to go it alone.
As the Israeli media has been warning for some time,
sections of the army are effectively now turning into militias that follow their own rules.
Israel’s military commanders, on the other hand, are
starting to understand the trap they have set for themselves. They have long
cultivated fascistic zealotry among ground troops needed to dehumanize and
better oppress Palestinians living under Israeli occupation. But the war crimes
proudly being live-streamed by their units now leave them exposed to the legal
consequences.
Israel’s international isolation means a place one day
for them in the dock at The Hague.
War machine cornered
The ICC and ICJ rulings are not just bringing Israeli
society’s demons out into the open, or those of a complicit western political
and media class.
The international legal order is gradually cornering
Israel’s war machine, forcing it to turn in on itself. The interests of the
Israeli military command are now fundamentally opposed to those of the rank and
file and the political leadership.
The result, as military expert Yagil Levy has long warned, will be an increasing breakdown of discipline, as
the attempts to arrest Force 100 soldiers demonstrated all too clearly.
The Israeli military juggernaut cannot be easily or
quickly turned around.
The military command is reported to be furiously
trying to push Netanyahu into agreeing on a hostage deal to bring about a ceasefire – not because it
cares about the welfare of Palestinian civilians, or the hostages, but because
the longer this “plausible” genocide continues, the bigger chance the generals
will end up at The Hague.
Israel’s zealots are ignoring the pleas of the top
brass. They want not only to continue the drive to eliminate the Palestinian
people but to widen the circle of war, whatever the consequences.
That included the reckless, incendiary move last
week to assassinate Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh in Iran – a
provocation with one aim only: to undermine the moderates in Hamas and Tehran.
If, as seems certain, Israel’s commanders are
unwilling or incapable of reining in these excesses, then the World Court will
find it impossible to ignore the charge of genocide against Israel and the ICC
will be compelled to issue arrest warrants against more of the military
leadership.
A logic has been created in which evil feeds on evil
in a death spiral. The question is how much more carnage and misery can Israel
spread on the way down.
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