US Support for
Israel Comes at a Staggering, Multifaceted Price
A financial, moral and
strategic liability without parallel
Jun 30, 2025
https://starkrealities.substack.com/p/us-support-for-israel-staggering-price
When asked about the
cost of their government’s support of the State of Israel, some Americans will
say it’s $3.8 billion a year — the amount of annual military aid the United
States is committed to under its current, 10-year “memorandum of understanding”
with Israel. However, that answer massively understates the true cost of the
relationship, not only because it doesn’t capture various, vast expenditures
springing from it, but even more so because the relationship’s steepest costs
can’t be measured in dollars.
Since its 1948
founding, Israel has been far and away the largest recipient of American
foreign assistance. Though the Ukraine war created a brief anomaly, Israel
generally tops the list every year, despite the fact that Israel is among the world’s richest countries — ranked three spots below the UK and two spots
above Japan in per capita GDP. Driving that point home, even when using the
grossly-understating $3.8 billion figure for US expenditures on Israel, America
gave the Zionist state $404 per person in the 2023 fiscal year, compared to just $15 per person for Ethiopia, one of the poorest countries on
Earth and America’s third-largest beneficiary that year.
Israel’s cumulative
post-World War II haul has been nearly double that of runner-up Egypt. What most Americans
don’t realize, however, is that much of Egypt’s take — $1.4 billion in 2023 —
should be chalked up to Israel too, because of ongoing US aid commitments
rising from the 1978 Camp David Accords that brokered peace between Egypt and Israel.
The same can be said for Jordan — America’s fourth-largest beneficiary in fiscal 2023 at $1.7 billion. US
aid to the kingdom surged after it signed its own 1994 treaty with Israel, and a wedge of Jordan’s aid is
intended to address the country’s large refugee population, comprising not only
Palestinians displaced by Israel’s creation, but also masses who’ve fled US-led
regime-change wars pursued on Israel’s behalf.
Then there’s the
supplemental aid to Israel that Congress periodically authorizes on top of the
memorandum of understanding (MOU) commitment. Since the October 7 Hamas
invasion of Israel, these supplements have exceeded the MOU commitment by leaps
and bounds. In just the first year of the war in Gaza, Congress and President
Biden approved an additional $14.1 billion in “emergency” military aid to Israel, bringing
the total for that year to $17.9 billion.
One must also consider
the fact that, given the US government runs perpetual deficits that now easily
exceed $1 trillion, every marginal expenditure, including aid to Israel, is
financed with debt that bears an interest expense, increasing Americans’ tax-and-inflation burden.
On top of money given
to Israel, the US government spends huge sums on activities either meant to
benefit Israel or that spring from Israel’s actions. For example, during just
the first year of Israel’s post-Oct 7 war in Gaza, increased US Navy offensive
and defensive operations in the Middle East theater cost America an
estimated $4.86 billion.
Those Gaza-war-related
outflows have not only continued but accelerated. For example, earlier this
year, the Pentagon engaged in an intense campaign against Yemen’s Houthis. In
proclaimed retaliation for Israel’s systematic destruction of Gaza, the Houthis
have targeted Israel, and ships the Houthis said were linked to Israel. In
response, America unleashed “Operation Rough Rider,” which often saw $2 million American missiles being
used against $10,000 Houthi drones, and cost between one and two billion dollars.
President Trump’s
military strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities — amid a war initiated by Israel
on contrived premises — cost America another one to two billion dollars, according to early estimates. Even before the attack
on a nuclear program the US intelligence community continues to assess is not
aimed at producing a weapon, the Pentagon was already spending more money on
Israel’s behalf, helping to defend the country from Iran’s response to Israel’s
unprovoked aggression. The run-up to US strikes itself entailed a massive and
costly mobilization of American forces and equipment to the region, as the
Pentagon readied for multiple scenarios.
Propelled by Israel’s
powerful US-based lobby, by Israel-pandering legislators, and by a revolving
cast of Israel-favoring presidents, cabinet members, and national security
officials, the United States has consistently pursued policies in the Middle
East that place top priority on securing Israel’s regional supremacy.
Among the many avenues
used to pursue that goal, none has been more costly than that of regime change,
where an outcome that results in a shattered, chaotic state is seemingly just
as pleasing to Israel and its American collaborators as one that spawns a
functioning state with an Israel-accommodating government — and where the cost
is often measured not only in US dollars but in American lives and limbs.
Of course, the most
infamous such regime-change effort was the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. “If
you take out Saddam, I guarantee you that it will have enormous positive
reverberations on the region,” current Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu assured a US congressional hearing. Doing his part to aid a Bush
administration dominated by Israel-aligned neoconservatives bent on taking out
one of Israel’s regional adversaries, Netanyahu also said there was “no question whatsoever” that Hussein was “hell-bent on achieving atomic
bombs.”
The drive to topple
Syria’s Iran-allied Assad government is another prominent example of regime
change on behalf of Israel, as the two countries sought to sever the “Shia
Crescent” that — due in great part to Saddam’s ouster — presented a continuous
pipeline of Iranian influence extending to Israel’s borders. To the contentment
of the US and Israeli governments, Syria is now led by an al Qaeda alumnus
who’s reportedly poised to relinquish Syria’s long-standing claim
on the Golan Heights, which Israel captured in 1967.
Taken together, the
price tag of US military operations in Iraq and Syria, including past and
future medical and disability care for veterans, totals $2.9 trillion, according to Brown University’s Costs of War
Project. The human toll has been even more mind-boggling: upwards of 580,000 civilians and
combatants killed, with
perhaps two to four times that number indirectly perishing from displacement,
disease and other factors. More than 4,600 US service-members died in Iraq, and 32,000 were injured, many of them
enduring amputations and burns. Alongside mass suffering, these and other US
interventions undertaken to ensure Israel’s regional supremacy have fomented
enormous resentment of the United States across the region.
Those resentments help
drive another massive debit in the Israel’s account with the United States: Any
thorough assessment of the costs of the relationship must reflect the fact that
US backing of Israel is a principal motivator of Islamist terrorism directed against
Americans, and there’s no greater example of that fact than 9/11.
From Osama bin Laden to
the hijackers, anger over US support of Israel was one of Al Qaeda’s foremost
motivators:
- In his 1996 declaration of war against the United
States, bin Laden cited the First Qana Massacre, in which Israel killed 106 Lebanese civilians
who sought refuge at a UN compound. He said Muslim youth “hold [the United
States] responsible for all the killings…carried out by your Zionist
brothers in Lebanon; you openly supplied them with arms and finance.”
- Bin Laden said he was initially inspired to strike
American skyscrapers when he witnessed Israel’s 1982 destruction of
apartment towers in Lebanon.
- The 9/11 Commission said mastermind Khalid Sheikh
Mohammed’s “animus toward the United States stemmed not from his
experiences there as a student, but rather from his violent disagreement with U.S.
foreign policy favoring Israel.”
- 9/11 hijacking ringleader Mohammed Atta signed
his will on the day Israel began its 1996 Operation Grapes of Wrath attack
on Lebanon. A friend said Atta was furious and used his will as a
means of committing his life to the cause.
- An acquaintance of hijacker-pilot Marwan
al-Shehhi asked why neither he nor Atta ever laughed. He replied, “How can you laugh when people are dying in
Palestine?”
- Addressing the motives of the 9/11 hijackers, FBI
Special Agent James Fitzgerald told the 9/11 Commission, “I believe they feel a
sense of outrage against the United States. They identify with the
Palestinian problem…and I believe they tend to focus their anger on the
United States.”
The 9/11 attacks killed
2,977 people, resulted in roughly $50 billion in insured losses, and opened
America’s Global War on Terror. In addition to its use as a false pretext for
invading Iraq on Israel’s behalf, 9/11 prompted the US invasion of Afghanistan
and the ensuing 20-year Fool’s Errand that took the lives of 2,459 US
service-members (among 176,000 people in all), and cost $2.3 trillion.
With dread, we must now
wonder what price may be extracted by terrorists motivated by US support of
Israel’s ongoing, bloody rampage in Gaza, which has killed more than 56,000
people — more than half of them women and children — and deliberately rendered
much of the territory uninhabitable.
The death and
destruction is being meted out with American-supplied weapons, from F-15s,
F-16s, and F-35 fighters to Apache attack helicopters, precision-guided
munitions, artillery shells and rifles. No weapon has figured more heavily in
the shocking civilian death toll and catastrophic physical destruction than
US-supplied 2,000-pound MK-84 bombs, which have a lethal radius up to 1,198
feet. Even after outside observers were taken aback by Israel’s use of the
bombs in densely-populated areas, the US government continued to ship more of
them to Israel.
As if the death and
destruction weren’t enough to incite deadly retaliation against Israel’s
sponsor, depraved Israeli soldiers have used social media to document themselves gleefully demolishing entire residential
blocks, smashing shops, toys and personal possessions, and — in a
disturbingly widespread trend — dressing
in the lingerie of
displaced Palestinian women. All along, Israeli politicians, pundits and
citizens openly endorse ethnic cleansing, forced starvation and other war
crimes. Last week, multiple Israeli soldiers confirmed that, under orders,
troops have been routinely using lethal weapons — including artillery
shells — as a barbaric form of crowd control at food distribution points.
If innocent Americans
are someday victimized by terrorists seeking to avenge the horror visited upon
Gaza’s two million men, women and children with US-supplied weapons, watch for
a perverse dynamic in which the attack is cited as a reason to redouble American
support of Israel. Given the effectiveness of that spin, terrorism against the
United States is a boon to the State of Israel. Reflecting that dark dynamic in
the immediate aftermath of 9/11, Netanyahu seemingly struggled to contain his
enthusiasm as he spoke to the New York Times:
Asked tonight what
the attack meant for relations between the United States and Israel, Benjamin
Netanyahu, the former prime minister, replied, ''It's very good.'' Then he
edited himself: ''Well, not very good, but it will generate immediate
sympathy.''
This self-perpetuating
phenomenon — in which terrorism motivated by American support for Israel is
used to promote American support for Israel — isn’t the only example of warped
thinking about the relationship. America’s approach to the Middle East is swamped
with circular, Israel-centered logic. For example, Americans are told Israel is
a critical ally because it serves as a “bulwark” against Iran — and that
America needs a bulwark against Iran because it’s an adversary of Israel.
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