Battle in Suwayda: Where Israel and Turkiye clash over Syria’s trade routes
In post-Assad Syria, Druze-majority Suwayda emerges as
ground zero in the regional war to dominate land routes linking the Persian
Gulf to the Mediterranean.
JUL 18, 2025
With the fall of former Syrian president Bashar
al-Assad and the ascent of Ahmad al-Sharaa (Abu Muhammad al-Julani) to power in
Damascus – with backing from Turkiye – Syria has shifted from an integral part
of the Axis of Resistance to contested terrain between rival regional projects.
Two competing visions have emerged: Turkiye's “Development Road,” a proposed transport corridor connecting Basra to
Turkiye and onward to Europe; and Israel's “Peace Line,” which aims to link the Persian Gulf to the
Mediterranean via Jordan and the occupied port of Haifa.
The regional battle for Syria's southern gateway
These infrastructure corridors are not mere economic
initiatives; they are the battlegrounds of a new regional order. Suwayda, long viewed as peripheral, has become a strategic
flashpoint in this war of logistics. This Druze-majority province has become a
potential gateway to a regional war over trade and transportation corridors.
These plans extend into neighboring Lebanon, too.
The strategic weight of Suwayda stems from its
location at the nexus of these rival projects. The province could serve as a
vital artery for Ankara's overland ambitions or as a chokepoint threatening Tel
Aviv's efforts to bypass Turkish and Iranian territories.
Thus, the vital southern Syrian governorate of Suwayda
suddenly finds itself on the frontline – not due to a dispute over a localized
conflict, but because it is a strategic key in the railway battle where roads
become borders and pipelines turn into fronts.
Meanwhile, Suwayda’s Druze religious leadership issued
a strongly worded statement rejecting the use of their region as a bridge for
foreign projects that ignore their sovereignty or existence. The statement
declared, “Those betting on the violation of Suwayda will lose. The mountain’s
fate will be decided in the mountain itself.”
The elders emphasized Suwayda’s geography as a
crossroads and demanded the opening of land corridors with Jordan and with
areas held by the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in the north.
The Old-New Katz Project
In November 2018, then-transport minister and current
Israeli Defense chief Israel Katz unveiled at an international transport conference in Oman
the “Railway of Peace” project, aiming to connect Persian Gulf countries to
Israel via Jordan, as part of a strategic plan to boost economic integration
and link West Asian markets to Israeli Mediterranean ports.
Katz, who arrived less than two weeks after Israeli
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s surprise meeting with the late Sultan Qaboos in Muscat presented
the project as a massive infrastructure undertaking involving railway lines
linking the port of Haifa in northern Israel to Gulf cities via the Jordanian
capital Amman, with the possibility of connecting Palestinians to Haifa port to
facilitate trade exchange.
Katz said during the conference:
“This project is not just a bridge for transport, but
a bridge for peace and economy among the region’s peoples. We aim to create
faster, cheaper, and safer transportation, opening new horizons for economic
and political cooperation.”
He added:
“The Railway of Peace will allow avoiding security
risks at the Strait of Hormuz and Bab al-Mandab and open vital alternatives for
shipping goods between the Gulf and Europe.”
The project stands out as an important alternative,
allowing Persian Gulf states to bypass security threats at the Strait of Hormuz
and Bab al-Mandab, providing a safer and cheaper land route for goods
transport, with significant economic benefits for all participating countries,
including Jordan, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, other Gulf states, and potentially
Iraq and Syria.
The project also plans to establish modern logistics
centers, such as the cargo zone in Irbid, Jordan, to boost the local economy.
Katz highlighted the project’s importance for
Palestinians, saying, “By connecting Palestinians to Haifa port, we give them a
chance to participate in global trade, which will bring them economic and
social benefits.”
Jordan and occupied Palestine’s inclusion were floated
as economic sweeteners. But the true aim was regional hegemony through
infrastructure.
While Katz’s statements were laced with euphemisms
about peace and development, the underlying logic was clear: use transport
infrastructure to normalize Israel's regional role while locking out Iranian
and Turkish competitors.
Despite most Arab states involved lacking official
diplomatic relations with Israel, the project received clear American support,
with then US envoy Jason Greenblatt considering it part of Washington’s efforts
to push the “Deal of the Century” for regional peace.
Geoeconomics as political warfare
Alongside the Turkish–Israeli competition over railway
corridors through southern Syria, Saudi Arabia’s ambitious project NEOM – along with the infrastructure system linked to
the UAE’s Al-Ain 2030 – emerges as a third actor reshaping the
geopolitical game.
The project aims to transform northwestern Saudi
Arabia into a global economic and logistical hub, including railway lines and
transport networks extending from the heart of the Arabian Peninsula to the Red
Sea, inevitably repositioning regional trade routes.
This shift directly ties into Tel Aviv’s plans to
build a railway line stretching from Eilat (adjacent to NEOM) to Aqaba, then to
southern Syria, and onward to Beirut or Tripoli.
This functions as a land-based extension of NEOM – and
a strategic complement to Riyadh’s ambition to bypass chokepoints like
the Strait of Hormuz by linking the Gulf to the Mediterranean.
Here, Suwayda becomes an indispensable strategic node
that could serve as the gateway crossing from Syria's occupied Golan to Kurdish
controlled areas in Syria and Iraq.
The Israeli media and officials have at times referred
to this as the route of “David's Corridor” – a corridor that reimagines
Israel’s role in the region through infrastructural dominance, fusing settler
colonialism with logistics.
In other words, NEOM’s rise as a maritime-land axis
enhances the geopolitical value of the Aqaba–Suwayda line, pushing the
occupation state to be more stringent. For Tel Aviv, any Turkish expansion southward is an existential threat to these
designs. For Ankara, securing Suwayda is essential to asserting influence over
the Levant's southern flank.
Suwayda becomes the battlefield
Before setting his sights on Suwayda, Sharaa's rise
was marked by brutal campaigns in the coastal region, including massacres of Alawite communities that cleared space for
Turkish-backed dominance. With those operations complete, attention turned south toward the Druze stronghold.
In the post-Assad vacuum, Sharaa chose Suwayda as the
base for consolidating power and advancing Turkiye's project – with the aim of
securing Syria's southern border crossings, creating strategic depth, and
extending influence toward Lebanon and Jordan.
Turkiye backed this trajectory through direct and
indirect agreements with Syrian factions aligned with it, particularly Hayat
Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), which now plays a central role in administering areas
from Idlib to the eastern Hama countryside, where the desert meets the roads
leading south toward Suwayda.
Ankara’s ambitions have also expanded toward Lebanon –
especially the northern city of Tripoli and its surroundings – where it has
built social, political, and economic influence through networks of
institutions, associations, and newly naturalized citizens.
The port of Tripoli, which Turkiye hopes to transform
into an alternative to Beirut’s port, is envisioned as a key station along the
regional transit route.
Sharaa based part of this conviction on secret
understandings made in the Azerbaijani capital, Baku, involving Syrian and Israeli figures under
unofficial Turkish auspices. These understandings were interpreted as implicit
approval for his southward expansion, in exchange for guarantees against the
return of Iranian influence and Turkish commitments not to threaten Israeli
security.
But this ambition triggered an Israeli red line.
Netanyahu warned of the emergence of a “new southern Lebanon” in Syria. Katz
declared, “the Druze are our brothers, and we will not leave them alone facing
this expansion,” signalling readiness to intervene. Soon after, Israeli
warplanes targeted Damascus and Sharaa-aligned units advancing south.
Ankara, meanwhile, has publicly reasserted its own red
lines. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan stated after a cabinet meeting on 17 July:
“We did not agree to the division of Syria yesterday,
nor today, and we will categorically not agree tomorrow. Those who descend from
the well, holding on to the rope of Israel, will sooner or later realize what a
serious mistake they have made.”
In reality, there is no open confrontation between
Turkiye and Israel, but a tacit division of spoils, with each pursuing its own corridor ambitions while
managing the conflict through proxies and backchannels.
The vegetable truck incident
The security explosion in Suwayda did not arise from
an explicit political decision but was triggered by a seemingly minor incident:
a dispute over the cargo of a vegetable truck at a checkpoint. Intelligence
information later revealed that this incident was the spark igniting a wide
clash involving local Druze groups, Sharaa’s HTS-led factions, and remnants of
armed groups unofficially reintegrated on the ground with indirect Turkish
support.
The incident quickly escalated into an open battle
involving Israeli reconnaissance drones, local armored units, and armed groups
bearing conflicting flags – some close to Ankara, others linked to extremist
organizations recently reactivated. Within a week, over 700 were dead.
Washington watches, regulates, but won’t decide
The US was not absent from the scene. Washington
expressed its welcome to Sharaa’s assumption of power on multiple occasions,
seeing him as an internationally acceptable figure compared to the previous
government. However, it did not grant him a free mandate to move southward.
US envoy to Syria, Tom Barrack, clearly stated that
Washington supports Syria’s territorial unity but simultaneously warned against
unilateral actions that could threaten regional stability.
In truth, Washington's role has grown – but as an
observer rather than an active player. This passivity has created room for
regional powers like Turkiye and Israel to draw new influence maps across a
devastated Syrian geography.
Washington appeared keen to regulate the pace but was
unwilling to make a decisive decision. It seeks to avoid direct confrontation
with Turkiye or Israel, but is also not ready to allow unchecked Turkish
expansion.
The war of projects
The battle for Suwayda is not really about sectarianism or governance. It is a war between two
infrastructural visions: one Turkish, one Israeli. Each project aims to dictate
the routes of trade, energy, and influence in post-Assad Syria.
Sharaa, despite his roots in Al-Qaeda and ISIS, has become a placeholder
for Turkish interests. But without genuine alliances or internal legitimacy, he
faces the full weight of Israeli hostility.
The Battle of Suwayda is the first real test for the
post-Assad era. Its outcome will shape not only Syria's future borders, but the
entire transport and power map of the region. It will also determine whether
the new Syria will follow Turkiye’s Development Road or Israel’s so-called
Peace Line.
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