On Foreign Policy, Trump 2.0 Is Dangerously Unrestrained
The president still has time to put America first.
Jan 15, 2026
https://www.theamericanconservative.com/on-foreign-policy-trump-2-0-is-dangerously-unrestrained/
Even as he underwrites and wages multiple wars,
proposes a gargantuan $500 billion increase in
military outlays, and
plans to build his own Arc de Triomphe, President Donald Trump apparently believes himself to be a man of peace. He has become a classic
example of historian Lord Acton’s dictum in action: “Power tends to corrupt and
absolute power corrupts absolutely.”
As Trump completes the first year of his second term,
he is demonstrating that his first term was merely a playful preview. This time
he has gotten serious, with new wars and threats of war multiplying, sometimes
on an almost daily basis. He believes that there are no meaningful
limits—legal, institutional, constitutional, or even moral, other than his own musings—on loosing the dogs of war with the most powerful
military on earth. This makes him potentially the most dangerous U.S. president
yet.
During his first term Trump backed Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates against Yemen,
underwriting personal tyranny and mass killing. This term he struck Yemen’s
Ansar Allah militant group directly, despite the lack of any meaningful U.S.
interests at stake. During his first term he supported Israel against all
comers, most importantly backing its brutal occupation of the perpetually helpless Palestinians, whom
Israel treats rather as ancient Sparta treated its helots. This term he armed
and reinforced Israel in its continuing wars in Gaza and Lebanon, despite
catastrophic civilian losses, as well as its illegal and unprovoked attack on
Iran. Trump I merely assassinated one Iranian military leader and abandoned
diplomacy regarding Iran’s nuclear program; Trump II used diplomacy as a ruse
to facilitate Israel’s illegal and unprovoked attack on Iran before joining in
the bombing later. Now he is threatening to intervene, somehow, in that
nation’s internal strife.
Trump I mulled using force against Venezuela, but
backed down in the face of broad regional opposition. Trump II arbitrarily terminated special envoy Richard Grenell’s diplomatic
initiative and launched illegal and unprovoked attacks on Venezuela, while also threatening other Latin American
governments that he dislikes, including Colombia, Panama, and even Mexico.
Peering obliviously into the hideously complex imbroglio of Africa’s most populous nation, Nigeria, the
president issued violent Truth Social threats, followed by launching a handful
of missiles in the name of protecting Christians. Testing the limits of the
dictum that targets of his opprobrium should take him seriously, not literally,
Trump is aggressively threatening to swallow Greenland, despite the current
lack of threats and his previous neglect of America’s military role on the
island.
Perhaps worse, the onetime scourge of U.S. subsidies
for whiny wealthy allies has abandoned all talk of withdrawing U.S. forces from
Europe, South Korea, and Japan. Once allies promised to spend more on their
militaries, even when it was difficult to distinguish reality amid their
abundant smoke and mirrors, Trump lost interest in having them take over responsibility for
their own security. Hence Washington remains entangled in the Russia–Ukraine
war, a tragedy that grows ever more dangerous for America as European nations continue to escalate their proxy war against Moscow.
Then there is the Middle East. Even more so than his
predecessors, Trump has denied nothing to Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu, even demanding that the nominally democratic state pardon the latter
over alleged crimes. Worse, Trump appears determined to make America the guarantor of absolute monarchy in the region, declaring a security
commitment—with neither treaty nor congressional assent—for Qatar. He has
pressed to do the same for the even more corrupt and brutal Saudi Arabia, if
only it would recognize Jerusalem.
Trump I was always more Jacksonian unilateralist than
Ron-Paulian noninterventionist, but he earned support from restrainers with his
dramatic criticism of the Iraq war, a welcome if convenient reversal from his attitude
at the time. However, Trump II has reinvented himself as a neoconservative
warrior with barely the pretense of morality or principle. The president
evidently wants to be in control: Like his perpetually addled and
confused predecessor, he declared that he runs the world. Toward that end he has
proved even more willing to wage economic as well as kinetic war. Like the
mythical Zeus tosses thunderbolts, Trump issues sanctions and tariffs against
almost whoever or whatever engages his ever-evanescent attention span.
The downsides of the president’s approach are
significant. The first is to risk involvement in complicated and dangerous
imbroglios of little relevance to American security and beyond American
solution. So far, the president’s predictable inattention to detail and waning
interest in whatever had captured his interest yesterday has protected the U.S.
from disaster. For instance, the administration gave up against Yemen’s
Houthis, abandoning its expensive but fruitless naval mission. The White House
no longer is talking about launching a religious crusade in Nigeria. If Iran’s
protests wane, he may abandon that issue as well. The U.S. is likely to avoid
conflict with Russia if the latter continues to win its war, albeit in a
terribly slow and costly manner, while evading a clash involving NATO, which
would be a wild and likely a losing gamble.
The second problem is the bankruptcy of the American
people. The Pentagon budget is the price of America’s foreign policy. The U.S.
needs very little to defend itself and its domination of the Western
Hemisphere. Most American personnel and weapons are devoted to defending the
gaggle of nominal allies around the world that have leeched off of the U.S. for
years, and often decades. Surely it is time for South Korea to defend itself
from the North, the Europeans to guard against Russia, and the coalition of Israel
and Gulf monarchies to protect themselves from Iran. Even China can be
constrained by Japan, which could make aggression too expensive to
contemplate. As for Taiwan, are the American people prepared to fight a nuclear
war thousands of miles from home that would look uncomfortably like the Cuban
Missile Crisis in reverse?
If the president nevertheless wants to run the world,
he needs a lot more force. Hence his proposal for a $1.5 trillion military
budget. The president’s fiscal priorities, to hike military outlays, protect
entitlement spending, and cut taxes, have the U.S. on a catastrophic course. In 2025 the U.S. spent $7 trillion, borrowing $2
trillion of the funds and devoting more than $1 trillion to simply pay interest
on the resulting debt. With Uncle Sam planning to continue down this path, budget deficits, debt totals, and interest
payments will continue to rise until the entire federal financial
structure risks collapse.
Finally, the president’s approach is ultimately
unproductive, even unrealistic. While cynicism about “rules-based order” is
appropriate—the U.S. and its allies carefully wrote the rules and freely
violate them to their benefit—there still is some value in both hypocrisy and insincerity. Pretending to be committed to something beyond pure
self-interest, acting like there are constraints even on the pursuit of
legitimate and valuable interests, is important. Claiming that Washington can
do whatever it wants irrespective of principle, morality, or consequence is
already unsettling allied states and encouraging less friendly
ones.
Even more perversely, the administration is wasting
economic resources, military credibility, and political capital to achieve what
could be gained diplomatically. For instance, though Trump’s Venezuela
machinations have been defended by some conservative realists, even Trump admitted that a peaceful solution was available there. So too
with Greenland and Panama, even absent talk of war and military strikes. The
president’s trolling of former Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau yielded a
recalcitrant government in Ottawa and an angry population. Trump’s blustering reinforced Australia’s previous leftward shift in last year’s election.
His refusal to even acknowledge the humanity of tens of thousands of dead
Palestinian civilians, let alone to take their lives into account in U.S.
policy, will continue to fuel instability in the Middle East. Most bizarre may
have been the president’s willingness to offend rising powers—Brazil and India, for instance—essentially scoring own goals in
today’s geopolitical great game.
Trump still has time to put America first in practice
as well as rhetoric. To start, he should maintain focus on the U.S. “near
abroad” but rediscover diplomacy and economic engagement in advancing American
interests. Most importantly, he should more rigorously assess more distant
diminishing priorities. The world will always be unstable and messy, but most
international crises need not be Washington’s responsibility. Uncle Sam should
step back. The president’s job is to run the U.S. government, not the
world, as he claimed, and to do so to protect America, its
people, territory, liberties, and prosperity. That should be his
legacy.